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Self-Governing Muslims of Medieval Spain
1240 to 1327Conquered Moors of Al-Andalus
had special status and were permitted to have
their own communities and courts.
According to a treaty in 1492, the Moors were
to be allowed to preserve their mosques and
religious institutions, to retain their language and
to continue to abide by their own laws and
customs.
Within seven years these terms were broken.
Cardinal Cisneros
When the moderate archbishop of Granada, Hernando
de Talavera was replaced by the fanatical Cardinal
Cisneros (c.1436-1518) mass conversions and the burning
of all religious texts in Arabic were organised.
In 1582 expulsion of the Moors (Moriscos) as well as Jews
from Spain was proposed but no action was taken until
1609-10 when edicts of expulsion dictated at every stage
by the Church were decreed. An estimated 600,000
Moriscos were deported.
The decision to proceed was approved unanimously by
the Council of State in 1608 and the Spanish fleet was
secretly prepared later to be joined by many foreign
merchant ships, including several from England.
An estimated 600,000 Moriscos from Aragon, Castile,
Andalusia were forcibly evicted from Spain and went to
Oran, Tunis, Tlemcen, Tetuán, Rabat and Salé, Italy, Sicily
or Constantinople
The decision to proceed was approved unanimously by
the Council of State in 1608 and the Spanish fleet was
secretly prepared later to be joined by many foreign
merchant ships, including several from England.
An estimated 600,000 Moriscos from Aragon, Castile,
Andalusia were forcibly evicted from Spain and went to
Oran, Tunis, Tlemcen, Tetuán, Rabat and Salé, Italy, Sicily
or Constantinople
The French demographer Henri Lapeyre estimated from
census reports and embarkation lists that approximately
275,000 Spanish Moriscos emigrated in the years 1609-14,
out of a total of 300,000. This conservative estimate is not
consistent with many of the contemporary accounts that
give a figure of 600,000. Bearing in mind that the total
population of Spain at that time was only about seven
and a half million, this must have constituted a serious
deficit in terms of productive manpower and tax
revenue. In the Kingdom of Valencia, which lost a third of
its population, nearly half the villages were deserted in
1638.
When the moderate missionary approach of the
archbishop of Granada, Hernando de Talavera (14281507), was replaced by the fanaticism of Cardinal
Cisneros (c.1436-1518), who organised mass conversions
and the burning of all religious texts in Arabic, these
events resulted in the First Rebellion of the Alpujarras
(1499-1500) and the assassination of one of the Cardinal’s
agents. This in turn gave the Catholic monarchs an
excuse to revoke their promises.
Iberia and Al-Andalus in the late 15th century
See also: Reconquista
The five kingdoms of Iberia in 1360. The territory of the Emirate of Granada was reduced by 1482, as it lost its grasp
on Gibraltar and other western territories.
The Emirate of Granada had been the sole Muslim state in Al-Andalus - Iberia - for more than a century by the time of
the Granada War. The other remnant states of the Caliphate of Córdoba (taifa) had already been conquered by the
Reconquista. Pessimism for Granada's future existed even then; in 1400, Ibn Hudayl wrote "Is Granada not enclosed
between a violent sea and an enemy terrible in arms, both of which press on its people day and night?"[1] Still,
Granada was wealthy and powerful, and the Christian kingdoms were divided and fought amongst themselves.
Granada's problems began to worsen after Emir Yusuf III's death in 1417. Succession struggles made it such that
Granada was in an almost constant low-level civil war. Loyalty to clan was stronger than that to the Emir, making
consolidation of power difficult. Often, the only territory the Emir really controlled was the city of Granada itself. At
times, the emir did not even control all the city, but rather one emir would control the Alhambra, and another the
Albaicín, the most important district of Granada.[2]
This internal fighting greatly weakened the state. The economy declined, with Granada's once world-famous porcelain
now disrupted and challenged by Manises near Valencia. Taxes were still imposed at their earlier high rates to support
Granada's extensive defenses and large army, despite the weakening economy. Ordinary Granadans paid triple the
taxes of (non-tax-exempt) Castilians.[2] The heavy taxes that Emir Abu-l-Hasan Ali (1464–85) imposed contributed
greatly to his unpopularity. These taxes did at least support a respected army; Hasan was successful in putting down
Christian revolts in his lands, and some observers estimated he could muster as many as 7,000 horsemen. [3]
The frontier between Granada and Andalusia was in a constant state of flux, "neither in peace nor in war."[3] Raids
across the border were common, as were intermixing alliances between local nobles on both sides of the frontier.
Relations were governed by occasional truces and demands for tribute should one side have been seen to overstep
their bounds. Neither country's central government intervened or controlled the warfare much.[3]
King Henry IV of Castile died in December 1474, setting off the War of the Castilian Succession between Henry's
daughter Juana la Beltraneja and Henry's half-sister Isabella. The war raged from 1475–1479, setting Isabella's
supporters and the Crown of Aragon against Juana's supporters, Portugal, and France. During this time, the frontier
with Granada was practically ignored; the Castilians did not even bother to ask for or obtain reparation for a raid in
1477. Truces between the sides were agreed upon in 1475, 76, and 78. In 1479, the Succession War concluded with
Isabella victorious. As Isabella had married Ferdinand of Aragon in 1469, this meant that the two powerful kingdoms
of Castile and Aragon would now stand united, free from inter-Christian war which had helped Granada survive.[4]
Ar-Rundi might well have been responding to the plight of
his co-religionists after the fall of Granada or at the time of
the expulsion when many similar atrocities were
committed: homes were destroyed and abandoned,
mosques were converted into churches, mothers were
separated from their children, people were stripped of
their wealth and humiliated, armed rebels were reduced
to slavery. But by the seventeenth century the Moors had
become Spanish citizens; some were genuine Christian
converts; indeed many, like Sancho Panza’s neighbour
Ricote in Cervantes’ novel Don Quixote (1605-15), were
deeply patriotic and considered themselves to be ‘más
cristiano que moro’. Yet all were the victims of a state
policy, based on racist theological arguments, which had
the backing of both the Royal Council and the Church, for
which the expulsion of the Jews in 1492 provided an
immediate legal precedent.
According to the terms of the treaty drawn up in 1492,
the new subjects of the Crown were to be allowed to
preserve their mosques and religious institutions, to retain
the use of their language and to continue to abide by
their own laws and customs. But within seven years these
terms had been broken.
When the moderate missionary approach of the
archbishop of Granada, Hernando de Talavera (14281507), was replaced by the fanaticism of Cardinal
Cisneros (c.1436-1518), who organised mass conversions
and the burning of all religious texts in Arabic, these
events resulted in the First Rebellion of the Alpujarras
(1499-1500) and the assassination of one of the Cardinal’s
agents. This in turn gave the Catholic monarchs an
excuse to revoke their promises.
In 1499 the Muslim religious leaders of Granada were
persuaded to hand over more than 5,000 priceless books
with ornamental bindings, which were then consigned to
the flames; only some books on medicine were spared. In
Andalusia after 1502, and in Valencia, Catalonia and
Aragon after 1526, the Moors were given a choice
between baptism and exile. For the majority, baptism was
the only practical option. Henceforward the Spanish
Moors became theoretically New Christians and, as such,
subject to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, which had
been authorised by Pope Sixtus IV in 1478.
For the most part, conversion was nominal: the Moors
paid lip-service to Christianity, but continued to practise
Islam in secret. For example, after a child was baptised,
he might be taken home and washed with hot water to
annul the sacrament of baptism. The former Muslims
were able to lead a double life with a clear conscience
because certain Islamic religious authorities ruled that,
under duress or threat to life, Muslims might apply the
principle of taqiyyah or precaution that made
dissimulation and hypocrisy permissible. In response to a
plea from the Spanish Muslims, the Grand Mufti of Oran,
Ahmad ibn Abu Juma’a, issued a decree in 1504, in
which he stated that Muslims may drink wine, eat pork or
do any other forbidden thing if they are compelled to do
so and if they do not have the intention to sin. They may
even, he said, deny the Prophet Muhammad with their
tongues provided, at the same time, they love him in
their hearts – though not all Muslim scholars agreed with
this advice.
Thus the fall of Granada marked a new phase in MuslimChristian relations. In medieval times the status of Muslims
under Christian rule was similar to that of Christians under
Muslim rule: they belonged to a protected minority which
preserved its own laws and customs in return for tribute.
But there was no Scriptural basis for the legal status of
Jews and Muslims under Christian rule; they were subject
to the whims of rulers, the prejudices of the populace
and the objections of the clergy. Before the completion
of the Reconquest it was in the interests of the kings of
Aragon and Castile to respect such laws and contracts.
Now, however, Spain not only became, at least in theory,
an entirely Christian nation but purity of faith came to be
identified with purity of blood so that all New Christians or
conversos, whether of Jewish or Muslim origin, were
branded as potential heretics.
As a member of a vanquished minority with an alien culture,
the moro became a morisco, a ‘little Moor’. Every aspect of
his way of life – including his language, dress and social
customs – was condemned as uncivilised and pagan. A
person who refused to drink wine or eat pork might be
denounced as a Muslim to the Inquisition. In the eyes of the
Inquisition and popular opinion, even practices such as
eating couscous, using henna, throwing sweets at a
wedding and dancing to the sound of Berber music, were
un-Christian activities for which a person might be obliged to
do penance. Moriscos who were sincere Christians were
also bound to remain second-class citizens, and might be
exposed to criticism from Muslims and Christians alike.
Although morisco is a derogatory term, historians find it a
useful label for those Arabs or Moors who remained in Spain
after the fall of Granada.
In 1567 Philip II renewed an edict which had never
been strictly enforced, making the use of Arabic illegal
and prohibiting Islamic religion, dress and customs. This
edict resulted in the Second Rebellion of the Alpujarras
(1568-70), which seemed to corroborate evidence of a
secret conspiracy with the Turks. The uprising was
brutally suppressed by Don John of Austria. One of his
worst atrocities was to raze the town of Galera, to the
east of Granada, and sprinkle it with salt, having
slaughtered 2,500 people including 400 women and
children. Some 80,000 Moriscos in Granada were
dispersed to other parts of Spain and Old Christians from
northern Spain were settled on their lands.
By 1582 expulsion was proposed by Philip II’s Council of
State as the only solution to the conflict between the
communities, despite some concern about the harmful
economic repercussions – the loss of Moorish
craftsmanship and the shortage of agricultural manpower
and expertise. But as there was opposition from some
noblemen and the King was preoccupied by
international events, no action was taken until 1609-10
when Philip III (r.1598-1621) issued edicts of expulsion.
Royal legislation concerning the Moriscos was dictated at
every stage by the Church. Juan de Ribera (1542-1611),
the aging Archbishop of Valencia, who had initially been
a firm believer in the efficacy of missionary work, became
in his declining years the chief partisan of expulsion.
. In a sermon preached on September 27th, 1609, he said
that the land would not become fertile again until these
heretics had been expelled. The Duke of Lerma (Philip III’s
first minister, 1598-1618) also underwent a change of
heart when it was agreed that the lords of Valencia
would be given the lands of the expelled Moriscos in
compensation for the loss of their vassals.
The decision to proceed with the expulsion was approved
unanimously by the Council of State on January 30th,
1608, although the actual decree was not signed by the
King until April 4th, 1609. Galleons of the Spanish fleet
were secretly prepared, and they were later joined by
many foreign merchant ships, including several from
England.
n September 11th, the expulsion order was announced
by town criers in the Kingdom of Valencia, and the first
convoy departed from Denia at nightfall on October 2nd,
and arrived in Oran less than three days later. The
Moriscos of Aragon, Castile, Andalusia and Extremadura
received expulsion orders during the course of the
following year. The majority of the forced emigrants
settled in the Maghrib or Barbary Coast, especially in
Oran, Tunis, Tlemcen, Tetuán, Rabat and Salé. Many
travelled overland to France, but after the assassination
of Henry of Navarre by Ravaillac in May 1610, they were
forced to emigrate to Italy, Sicily or Constantinople.
There is much disagreement about the size of the Morisco
population.
The French demographer Henri Lapeyre estimated from
census reports and embarkation lists that approximately
275,000 Spanish Moriscos emigrated in the years 1609-14,
out of a total of 300,000. This conservative estimate is not
consistent with many of the contemporary accounts that
give a figure of 600,000. Bearing in mind that the total
population of Spain at that time was only about seven
and a half million, this must have constituted a serious
deficit in terms of productive manpower and tax
revenue. In the Kingdom of Valencia, which lost a third of
its population, nearly half the villages were deserted in
1638.
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