Transcript Causative Constructions in Magahi

Causative Construction in
Magahi
Deepak Alok (M.A. Previous)
Department of Linguistics
Banaras Hindu University
Email : [email protected]
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ABOUT THE TOPIC
 Causative constructions play a significant role in
different areas of the grammar of a language.
 Some languages exhibit morphological
causativization whereas some languages undergo
complex syntactic processes to realize causative
constructions.
 Magahi like major indic language such as Hindi,
Maithali, Bangla show morphological marking to
realize causativization of a verb (haT ‘move’ -> haTaa ‘remove something/somebody’ -> haT-baa
‘cause/have somebody to remove
something/somebody’).
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ABOUT THE TOPIC ...CONT.
Causative employs a process of
causation, i.e, ‘we assume that
there is an external factor, which
has forced the normal situation to
cause something’.
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Criteria to define a causative
construction
It is a single event constituting of two
sub-events.
These sub-events can be sequential.
One of the sub-event causes the other
to happen, and
There must be some argument sharing
between the two sub-events.
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Two type of causations: indicated
in term of degree
The hypothesis of the first degree of
causation is “x perform some action
for y”
Raam nokar ke bhag-aa de-l-kai
Ram servant ACC remove gave
‘Ram caused the servant leave.’
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Two type of causations….cont.
The hypothesis of the second degree
causation denotes “x to make y
perform some action for z”
Raam nokar ke mohan se bhag-baa
de-l-kai.
 Ram servant ACC Mohan by remove-cause gave
 ‘Ram got Mohan to cause the servant to leave.’
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CAUSATIVE VERB FORMATION
IN MAGAHI
 Morphological process
• Highly productive morphological process
 It is mainly suffixal in the form of –aa and
baa but variation are found.
 -aa and –baa are used with the compound
verbs.as khi-aa denaa and khi-baa denaa.but
with the singal verb form it become –ai/a/au
and –bai/ba/bau. As khi-ai/a/au-l-kai and khibai/b/bu-l-kai.
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Morphological process…cont.
E.g.
 u laRkii dekha-l-ak.
he girl
saw
‘He saw the girl.’
 U raam ke laRkiiyaa dekh-aa de-l-kai.
he Ram DAT girl
showed
‘Ha showed Ram the girl’
 U ram
ke
laRkiiyaa dekh-ai-l-ak.
he Ram DAT girl
showed
‘He showed Ram the girl.’
 U raam se hamaraa laRkiiyaa dekh-bai-l-ak.
he Ram by me
girl
get-see
‘He got Ram to show me the girl.’
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Morphological process..cont.
I also used the –aa and the –baa suffix
with stem to indicate derivied form
likh ‘write’ -> likh-aa ‘dictate’ -> likh-baa ‘get
written (by somebody)’
– dekh ‘see’ -> dekh-aa ‘show’ -> dekh-baa
‘get (somebody) see/show’
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Morphological process…cont.
 First causative is formed by adding the suffix ‘-aa’
to the non-causative verb stem which implies that
the degree of closeness between cause and effect is
immediate or direct.
E.g. bhag-aa ‘to cause (somebody) to leave’
 The second causative is formed by adding the suffix
‘-baa’ to the non-causative verb stem which implies
that the degree of closeness between cause and
effect is mediated or less direct.
E.g. bhaga-baa ‘to get (somebody) cause
(somebody) to leave’
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Magahi has mainly three contrasting
verb forms
 The basic non-causative verb form, E.g.
 bhaag ‘to leave’ (intransitive), (it is a
polysemous word, I ignore its other meanings)
 dekh ‘see’(transitive)
 The first causative form
 bhag-aa ‘to cause leave’
 dekh-aa/dikh aapaR-aa ‘to show’
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Magahi has…..cont.
The second causative form, E.g.
bhag-baa ‘to get (sb) to cause (sb)
leave’
dekh-baa‘to get (sb) show (st) to
somebody’
This is the view that can be applied
only with the verb that have clear
distinction between these two suffix-aa
and –baa.
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Magahi has…..cont.
However, some verbs may have four
contrasting verb forms, E.g.
kaT ‘get cut’ (intransitive)
kaaT ‘to cut’ (transitive)
kaT-aa ‘to get (sb) to cut (st)’
kaT-baa ‘to get (sb) to cut (st)’
 Other examples
baT ‘get divded’
bandh ‘get tied’
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Magahi has…..cont.
Some intransitive verbs have no ‘-aa’
marker form
sudhar
sudar-baa
‘improve’
‘get(sb) improve (sb/st)’
nikal
nikal-baa
‘get out’
‘get(sb) take out (st)’
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 Some have clear distinction between the marker -aa
and -baa
dauR ‘to run’ dauR-aa
dauR-baa
‘to run’
‘cause to run’
‘cause to run’
has ‘to laugh’ has-aa
has-baa
‘to laugh’
‘cause to laugh’ ‘ cause to laugh’
laR ‘to fight’ laR-aa
laR-baa
‘to fight’
‘cause to fight’ ‘cause to fight’
Thahar ‘to stay’Thahar-aa
Thahar-baa
‘to stay’
‘cause to stay’ ‘cause to stay’
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THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN –aa
AND-baa
dauR ‘to run’
A). raam okaraa khuub dauRai-l-kai.
Ram his
lots
cause- run
‘Ram made him run alot’
B.).raam okaraa khuub dauRa-bai-l-kai.
Ram his
lot
cause run
‘Ram made him run a lot’
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THE DIFFERENCE….CONT.
 In (A), the causer of the action is Ram and is
closed/direct to the cause okaraa ‘him’. That is, Ram
is directly involved in making the agent of run to
perform the action. However, there may be other
intermediate agents as causers.
 In (B), on the other hand, Ram is causer of the
action who is not directly involved in causing the
action of running. There is an intermediate causer
(implicit) who is directly causing the agent of run to
perform the action.
 The difference between (A) and (B) is that the
intermediate cause is prominent in (B) whereas it is
non-prominent in (A).
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THE DIFFERENCE….CONT.
(C) u nauaa se apan kes kaT-ai-l-ak/kaT-bai-l-ak.
He barbar by self hair cut/got cut
‘He got his (own) hair cut by the barbar’
(D) u nauaa se okar kes *kaT-ai-l-ak/kaT-bai-l-ak
He barbar by his hair cut/got cut
‘He got his hair cut by the barbar’.
In preliminary examination,it appears that in (C) both
the forms are permitted because the action affects
the causer himself whereas in (D),the only second
causative form is permitted when the affected
entity other than the self.
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Transitive Verbs

In the case of transitive verbs, some verbs have the -aa and
the -baa distinction (1), and some donot (2)
Transitive
Ditransitive
Causative
paR ‘read’
paR-aa ‘teach’
paR-baa
khaa ‘eat’
khi-aa ‘feed’
khi-baa
pi ‘drink’
pi-aa ‘give’
pi-baa
Transitive
Causative
duh
duh-aa/duh-baa
kar
kar-aa/kar-baa
de
di-aa/di-baa
dil-aa/dil-baa
jot
jot-aa/jot-baa
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Lexical causation
Magahi have also lexical causation.
E.g
Jaa(Intr)
bhej-aa
bhej-baa
‘go’
‘send’
‘get-send’
TuuT
toR-aa
toR-baa
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Argument Structure of Causativization
in Magahi
To analize the argument structure of
causativization in magahi,as we know that
the causative construction increases the
valency of the verb,I examine the
following two issues—
A. readjustment of grammatical relation i.e.
sub,obj indirect obj,oblique obj etc and
B. determining the case of the causee(s)
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Causative of Intransitives
the extra noun phrase (causer) appears as the
subject in the sentence and the subject of
the intransitive verb functions as the direct
object (causee)
goRaa kud-al
horse jumpled
‘horse jumped’
papa goRbaa ke kudai-l-thi
father horse-ACC made-jump
‘The father caused the horse jump.’
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Causative of Intransitives…Cont.
In second causation, the multiple cause termed
oblique objects, are marked by the instrumental
postposition ‘se/diyaa’.
The causer NP, which functions as the subject, is in
the nominative case (nominative case is not marked
in Magahi)
E.g. maamaa bantiyaa se/diyaa ghar jharau-l-kai.
maternal uncle Banti-Obl
house got-cleaned
‘Mama got the house cleaned by Banti.’
baabaa maamaa se bantiyaa diyaa ghar jhar-bau-l-thi.
Baba m.uncle obl Banti
by house got-cleaned
‘Baba got Mama to clean the house by Banti.’
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Causation of mono-transitive
 the extra NP(causer) appears as the subject while the subject
of the transitive with a direct object becomes an indirect
object (causee).
 If the indirect object functions as a patient cause, it is marked
by the accusative-dative postposition ‘ke’.
 The direct object of the basic transitive remains as the direct
object of the causative construction.
E.g.Bantiyaa kitaab paRkaii.
Banti
book read
‘Banti read the book.’
Bantiyaa santiyaa ke kitaab paRau-l-kai.
Banti
Santi
ACC book taught
‘Banti taught Santi the book.’
Papa maastar se santiyaa ke kitaab paRbau-l-thi.
Father teacher by Santi ACC book taught
‘The father got the teacher to teach Santi the book.’
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Causation of mono-transitive.Cont.
On the other hand, if the cause is agentive in function,
it becomes an oblique object and is marked by the
instrumental postposition ‘se/diyaa’asNokar gaach kaaT-l-ak
Servant tree
cut
‘The servant cut the tree’
Maalik nokar se/*ke gaachhiyaa kaT-ai-l-ak
Master servant by tree
got cut
‘The master got the tree cut by the servant’
Maalik manejar se nokar diyaa gaachhiyaa kaTbau-l-ak.
Master manejar by servant
through tree
got
–cut
‘The master got the manejar cut the tree through the
servant.’
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Causation of mono-transitive.Cont.
But a handful of transitive verb such as
paR ‘to read’,khaa ‘to eat’,chikh ‘to teast ’
permit their causes to be marked by either the
accusastive –dative postposition ‘ke’or the
instrumantal postposition ‘se/diyaa’
ram choRaa ke kitaab paR-bau-l-ak.
Ram boy DAT book taught
‘Ram got the boy taught the book (by sb)’
ram choRaa se kitaab paR-bau-l-ak.
Ram boy
by book
read
‘Ram got the boy read the book’
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Causation of mono-transitive.Cont.
But these two type of sentences differ
in meaning. Using the accusativedative postposition allows the cause to
described as the ‘beneficiary’ of the
action.while the use of the
instrumental postposition allows the
cause to described as the ‘instrument’
of the action.
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Causative of Ditransitives
The sub of the non transitive sentence with both indirect objs
become an oblique obj in the corresponding causative
construction to avoid doubling on indirect and direct obj,as it
were. The oblique obj is marked by the instrumental
postposition ‘se/diyaa or haathe’ asBantiyaa santiyaa ke chiTThii likha-l-ak.
Banti
santi DAT letter
wrote
‘Banti wrote a letter to santi’
Bantiyaa mohan se santiyaa ke chiTThii likha-ai-l-ak/likhabau-l-ak.
Banti
Mohan by santi
DAT letter
got-written
‘Banti got Mohan write a letter to Santi’
Baabaa bantiyaa se santiyaa diyaa/haathe raam ke chiTthii dibau-l-an.
Baba Banti
by santi
through
Ram DAT letter cause
gave
‘Baba got Banti send a letter to Ram through santi’
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Syantactic Subclass
While describing the process of causativisation in
Hindi,Yamuna kachru(1976) divided the verbs in to
four syantactic sub classes.I used that in my paper
because it is applicable in Magahi.
The derivation can be shown as below:
1) Vi
kaT
Vt kaaT
Vcaus kaT-aa/kaTbaa
2) Vt
khaa
V khi-aa
Vcaus khi-baa
3) Vt kar
Vcaus kar-aa Vcaus kar-baa
4)Vdouble de Vcaus di-aa
Vcaus di-baa
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Syantactic Subclass….Cont.
In case of the verbs of the3-d and the
4th classes, the second level of
derivation does not imply the addition
of any ‘extra agent’ to the verbal case
frame .e.g (kar-aa= kar-baa and di-aa=
di-baa)
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Conclusion
The analysis of causative construction in
Magahi brings out following basic
conclusion
 The most common morphological marker for
causative is a suffix –baa but there is also
variations with the suffix –aa (it shows the
transitive and the double transitive verbs
derived from the basic intransitive verbs and
also causation).
 I attempted to show that this variation is
semantically explained and this distinction
is not available to all the verbs
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Conclusion
•
•
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I also attempted that when the action
affects the causer himself the causative
form of the verb is optional whereas it is
obligatory in the case where action
affects the other
In this paper I attempted also the
properties of various arguments in
causative construction in Magahi.
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References
 Amritavalli.R. (2001). Morphological Causatives. UTAH
and Monoclausality. Linguistic Structure and Language
Dynamics in South Asia, Papers from the Proceedings
of SALA XIII Roundtable.Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. PP.
389-398.
 Kachru, Yamuna (1973), Causative Sentences in Hindi
Revisited. In Braj Kachru et al. (eds.), Issues in
Linguistics. Papers in Honour of Henry and Renee
kahance. 377-393. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
 Tripathi, Saroj (1993). “ Hindi aur Magahi Ki Vyakarnik
Sanrachana”
“Chandra Prakashan, Mauri, Patna, Bihar.”
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References
 Kachru, Yamuna (1976). On the Semantics of the
Causative Construction in Hindi-Urdu. In masayoshi
Shibatani (ed.). Syntax and Semantics 6: The Grammar
of Causative Constructions, 353-369. New York:
Academic Press.
 The Grammar of Causative Constructions: A
conspectus MASAYOSHI SHIBATANI
“University of Southern California”
 Kachru, Yamuna .“Hindi”
“ University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign”
 Yadav, Ramawatar . “ A Reference Grammar of
Maithili”
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THANK YOU
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