Transcript You have the right to remain silent” The syntactic

“You have the right to remain silent”
The syntactic licensing of ellipsis
Lobke Aelbrecht
Research presentation for Lingforum, Ghent
University
General overview
1.
2.
3.
4.
What is ellipsis?
Restrictions on ellipsis
Case study: Dutch modal
complement ellipsis (MCE)
Conclusion
General overview
1.
2.
3.
4.
What is ellipsis?
Restrictions on ellipsis
Case study: Dutch modal
complement ellipsis (MCE)
Conclusion
1. What is ellipsis? (1)
Working definition:
Ellipsis is a mismatch between sound
and meaning in which certain selectional
requirements are not met in the phonetic
realization.
1. What is ellipsis? (2)
(1) Ryan has made a mojito, and Jasmin has, too.
Interpretation (meaning):
Ryan has made a mojito, and Jasmin has made a
mojito, too.
Phonetic realization (sound):
Ryan has made a mojito, and Jasmin has _, too.
 The verb phrase selected for by the perfective
auxiliary has is left unpronounced.
1. What is ellipsis? (3)
Ryan has made a mojito,…
= antecedent
…and Jasmin has [made a mojito], too.
= ellipsis site
1. What is ellipsis? (4)
What is not ellipsis?
Not all expressions with a mismatch
between sound and meaning are
considered ellipsis in the generative
framework I am using
 signs, labels, titles and certain fixed
expressions get an interpretation richer
than what is phonetically expressed, but
they do not seem to contain any syntax
1. What is ellipsis? (5)
(2) a. Minute Maid (label on a box of fruit juice)
Interpretation: This is a box of Minute Maid.
b. Gent 40 km (sign next to the highway)
Interpretation: The distance from here to Ghent is
40 kilometers.
c. Anderlecht – Club Brugge: 3 – 1
Interpretation: The soccer team of Anderlecht beat
the soccer team Club Brugge by 3 goals to 1.

Generally not considered ellipsis in the
generative framework
1. What is ellipsis? (6)
Note:
it is not always clear whether an expression
contains syntax or not
 headlines, diary style writing, directions, recipes,
instructions
(3) a. Woman wins lottery at first attempt
b. Went to see Bob Dylan today.
c. If no paper, turn wheel
 unclear whether these cases involve ellipsis or not
 I do not discuss them and focus on clearer cases
1. What is ellipsis? (7)
Back to the clearer ellipsis cases:
(1) Ryan has made a mojito, and Jasmin has,
too.
In the generative framework, an utterance
consists of 3 parts (roughly):
-Phonology (pronunciation)
-Semantics (interpretation)
-Syntax (hierarchical structure)
1. What is ellipsis? (8)
Ellipsis: semantics and phonology do not match
 Crucial question: what is present in the syntax?
Does the syntax match the interpretation?
Does the syntax match what is pronounced?
3 possible analyses for ellipsis in Minimalism (Generative
Linguistics):
 WYSIWYG (what you see is what you get)
 WYSIAWYG (what you see is almost what you get)
 WYSINWYG (what you see is not what you get)
1. What is ellipsis? (9)
 WYSIWYG (what you see is what you get)
(4)
Iemand heeft mijn fiets gestolen, en ik denk
someone has my bike stolen
and I think
dat ik weet wie.
that I know who
“Someone stole my bike and I think I know who.”
Interpretation:
Someone stole my bike and I think I know who stole
my bike.
1. What is ellipsis? (10)
WYSIWYG: There is nothing more in the
syntax than what is phonetically expressed.
 Weten ‘know’ simply selects wie ‘who’ as
its complement; there is no deleted clause.
1. What is ellipsis? (11)
Counterargument
In Dutch embedded clauses nominal objects precede
the verb, unlike sentential complements:
(5) a. Hij zegt dat
he says that
b.* Hij zegt dat
he says that
c. Hij zegt dat
he says that
d.* Hij zegt dat
he says that
hij [NP het antwoord] wist.
he
the answer
knew
hij wist [NP het antwoord].
he knew the answer
hij wist [CP dat Sarah ziek was].
he knew that Sarah ill was
hij [CP dat Sarah ziek was] wist.
he
that Sarah ill was knew
1. What is ellipsis? (12)
(6) Iemand heeft mijn fiets gestolen, en ik denk
someone has my bike stolen
and I think
dat ik weet wie.
that I know who
 Wie behaves like a sentential complement, not like a
nominal object.
1. What is ellipsis? (13)
 WYSIAWYG (what you see is almost what you get)
Ellipsis site = an unpronounced pronoun pro that gets
its interpretation from the antecedent,
just like a regular pronoun
(7) a. Iemand heeft mijn fiets gestolen, en ik denk dat
ik weet wie pro.
b. Iemand heeft mijn fiets gestolen, en ik wist
someone has my bike stolen
and I knew
dat niet.
that not
 dat/that = that someone stole my bike
1. What is ellipsis? (14)
 There is something more in the syntax than
what you hear, but there is no internal
syntactic structure in the ellipsis site.
= proform analysis
1. What is ellipsis? (15)
 WYSINWYG (what you see is not what you get)
ellipsis site = a fully-fledged syntactic structure that is
left unpronounced
(8)
Iemand heeft mijn fiets gestolen, en ik denk dat
ik weet wie [mijn fiets gestolen heeft].
 Ellipsis is an extreme form of whispering.
= deletion analysis
1. What is ellipsis? (16)
How can we decide which analysis is
correct?
 test: movement out of the ellipsis
site
1. What is ellipsis? (17)
Movement: when an element is not pronounced in the
position where it gets its thematic role
(9)
What did Ryan give to Jasmin?
 In the Minimalist framework structures are built
bottom-up: First the predicate is merged with its
arguments to form a verb phrase; then tense,
aspect, and speech act information are added to the
structure.
 What is base-generated in the object position of
give, from which it gets its Patient role:
give
what
Ө
1. What is ellipsis? (18)
From there it moves to the first position in the
sentence:
(10) What did Ryan give twhat to Jasmin?
did
Ryan
give
to Jasmin
what
1. What is ellipsis? (19)
Evidence from echo questions and multiple whquestions:
(11) a.
b.
Ryan gave what to Jasmin?
To who did Ryan give what?
 What occurs in its base position here.
1. What is ellipsis? (20)
Test: movement out of an ellipsis site
Movement out of the ellipsis site is possible.
 deletion analysis
The moved constituent can only be connected to its
base position if there is internal structure in the
ellipsis site.
Movement out of the ellipsis site is impossible.
 proform analysis
When there is no internal structure, there is nothing
to move or to move out from.
1. What is ellipsis? (21)
Movement is possible
VP Ellipsis:
(12) I know which cocktail Ryan made, but I don’t
remember which cocktail Jasmin did.
(12’) I know which cocktail Ryan made, but I don’t
remember which cocktail Jasmin did [make
twhich cocktail].
 deletion
1. What is ellipsis? (22)
Movement is impossible
Null Complement Anaphora (NCA)
(13) I asked Ryan to make a mojito, but he
refused.
(13’) *I know which cocktail Ryan made, but I don’t
remember which (cocktail) he refused pro.
 proform
General overview
1.
2.
3.
4.
What is ellipsis?
Restrictions on ellipsis
Case study: Dutch modal
complement ellipsis (MCE)
Conclusion
2. Restrictions on ellipsis (1)
Two restrictions on ellipsis
 Recoverability
 Syntactic licensing
2. Restrictions on ellipsis (2)
 Recoverability
Ellipsis needs an antecedent; otherwise it is
impossible for the hearer to interpret the
ellipsis site.
(14) [uttered out of the blue]
*Jasmin has, too.
2. Restrictions on ellipsis (3)

Syntactic licensing
(Semantic) recoverability of the ellipsis site is
not enough.
 The syntactic environment also plays a role.
2. Restrictions on ellipsis (4)
 Not all recoverable elements are elidable.
(15) * Ryan can make a cocktail and Jasmin
knows [a cocktail], too.
 Differences between languages in allowing
ellipsis.
(16)a. Ryan has made a cocktail, and Jasmin has
[made a cocktail], too.
b.*Peter heeft een cocktail gemaakt en Kim
heeft ook [een cocktail gemaakt].
2. Restrictions on ellipsis (5)
Main research topic:
How is ellipsis syntactically licensed, i.e.
in which syntactic configurations is ellipsis
allowed?
General overview
1.
2.
3.
4.
What is ellipsis?
Restrictions on ellipsis
Case study: Dutch modal
complement ellipsis (MCE)
Conclusion
3. Dutch modal complement ellipsis
(17) Ik wil wel naar je feestje komen, maar ik
I want prt to your party come
but I
mag
niet.
am.allowed not
“I want to come to your party, but I’m
not allowed to.”
Interpretation:
I want to come to your party, but I’m not allowed to
[come to your party].
 The modal selects an infinitival complement that is
not phonetically realized.
 ellipsis
3. Dutch modal complement ellipsis
Modal complement ellipsis is only possible with modal
verbs.
 Not allowed with temporal or passive auxiliaries:
(18) a.* Peter heeft gewerkt, maar Kim heeft niet.
Peter has worked but Kim has not
b.* Peter is aan het werken, maar Kim is niet.
Peter is working
but Kim is not
c.* Peter zal werken, maar Kim zal niet.
Peter will work
but Kim will not
d.* Die
broek is gewassen, maar die rok is niet.
those pants is washed
but that skirt is not
3. Dutch modal complement ellipsis
Overview
3.1 Modals are raising verbs
3.2 Subjects versus objects
3.3 Analyzing modal complement ellipsis
3.1 Modals are raising verbs (1)
What is a raising verb?
(19) Addie seemed to laugh.
Seem assigns a Theme role to the infinitival
clause.
 The subject gets an Agent role from the
infinitive and raises up to the surface
subject position.
(20) Addiei seemed [inf ti to laugh].
Ө
Ө
3.1 Modals are raising verbs (2)
Diagnostic test: impersonal passives in Dutch
(21) Er
lijkt gedanst te worden.
there seems danced to become
“There seems to be dancing going on.”
 Expletive er cannot take an Agent role.
 A raising verb does not assign an Agent role.
(22)
Eri lijkt [inf gedanst te worden].
Ө
3.1 Modals are raising verbs (3)
What about modals?
All modals, except for willen, are raising verbs.
Impersonal passive:
(23)
a. Er
mag
gedanst worden vanavond.
there is.allowed danced become tonight
b. Er
moet gedanst worden vanavond.
there must danced become tonight
c. Er
kan gedanst worden vanavond.
there can danced become tonight
d. Er
hoeft niet gedanst te worden.
there needs not danced to become
e.*
Er
wil
gedanst worden.
there wants danced become
3.1 Modals are raising verbs (4)
Modals are raising verbs (except for willen).
 They do not assign Agent roles.
 The subject is base-generated inside the
infinitival complement and raises up to the
surface subject position.
(24) a. Theano moet werken.
Theano must work
b. Theano moet [inf tTheano werken]
3. Dutch modal complement ellipsis
Overview
3.1 Modals are raising verbs
3.2 Subjects versus objects
3.3 Analyzing modal complement ellipsis
3.2 Subject versus objects (1)
Subjects:
(25) Ik mag
niet [tik naar je
feestje komen].
I am.allowed not
to your party come
Ө
 The subject ik gets its Agent role from komen.
Modal complement ellipsis
(26) Ik wil
wel naar je
feestje komen, maar ik
I want prt to
your party come but I
mag
niet.
am.allowed not
 Where does the Agent role for ik come from now?
3.2 Subject versus objects (2)
(26’)
Ik wil wel naar je feestje komen, maar ik mag
niet [tik naar je feestje komen].
 Under the deletion analysis there is a verb komen
present in the ellipsis site, assigning an Agent role to
the subject ik.
(26’’) …[ik naar je feestje komen].
Ө
 The subject then moves to the surface subject position.
(26’’’) …maar
mag niet [
ik
naar je feestje komen].
3.2 Subject versus objects (3)
Objects:
(27) Ik weet wie Thomas MOET uitnodigen, maar ik
I know who Thomas must invite
but I
weet niet wie hij niet MAG
uitnodigen.
know not who he not is.allowed invite
 The object wie also gets its Patient role from the
embedded infinitive uitnodigen.
(27’) Ik weet wie Thomas MOET uitnodigen, maar ik
weet niet wie hij niet MAG [thij uitnodigen twie].
Ө
Ө
Expectation: (27) is also grammatical with ellipsis.
3.2 Subject versus objects (4)
 This expectation is not borne out:
(28) *Ik weet wie Thomas MOET uitnodigen, maar ik
I know who Thomas must invite
but I
weet niet wie hij niet MAG.
know not who he not is.allowed
 Subject/object contrast goes back to the discussion
on how ellipsis should be analyzed: deletion or
proform?
3. Dutch modal complement ellipsis
Overview
3.1 Modals are raising verbs
3.2 Subjects versus objects
3.3 Analyzing modal complement ellipsis
3.3 Analyzing modal complement
ellipsis (1)
Subjects can move out of the ellipsis site:
(29)
Ik wil wel naar je
feestje komen, maar
I want prt to your party come but
ik mag
niet [tik naar je
feestje
I am.allowed not
to your party
komen].
come
 deletion?
3.3 Analyzing modal complement
ellipsis (2)
Objects cannot move out:
(30) *Ik weet wie Thomas MOET uitnodigen,
I know who Thomas must invite
maar ik weet niet wie hij niet MAG
but I know not who he not is.allowed
[twie uitnodigen].
invite
 proform?
3.3 Analyzing modal complement
ellipsis (3)
Claim:
Dutch modal complement ellipsis
involves deletion of a syntactically
present infinitival clause.
The ban on object movement is due to
the timing of ellipsis.
3.3 Analysing modal complement
ellipsis (4)
Ellipsis requires the presence of a certain
head, the licensor.
Modal complement ellipsis (MCE) is only
allowed with modal verbs, not with temporal
or passive auxiliaries
 The licensor of MCE is the modal verb.
3.3 Analysing modal complement
ellipsis (5)
Claim: The ellipsis site is deleted when the licensing
head enters the structure.
 Consequence: An element can move out of the
ellipsis site if it moves to a position
between licensor and ellipsis site.
(31)
…
…

licensor
ellipsis site
XP
…
XP
ellipsis site
…
3.3 Analysing modal complement
ellipsis (6)
Solution to the movement puzzle:
Subjects move to a position between the licensor and
the ellipsis site prior to ellipsis.
(32)
…

…
modal
ellipsis site
subj
…
subj
ellipsis site
3.3 Analysing modal complement
ellipsis (7)
This position between the licensor and the ellipsis site
is not accessible to objects.
(33)
…
…

modal
…
ellipsis site
…obj…
ellipsis site
…obj…
General overview
1.
2.
3.
4.
What is ellipsis?
Restrictions on ellipsis
Dutch modal complement ellipsis
Conclusion
Conclusion
•
•
•
•
Ellipsis = a mismatch between sound and meaning in
which certain selectional requirements are not met in
the phonetic realization.
Ellipsis is subject to two restrictions:
 recoverability
 syntactic licensing
Ellipsis needs a licensing head and the ellipsis site is
deleted when this licensor enters the structure.
As a consequence, only what moves to a position
between the licensor and the ellipsis site can escape
the ellipsis site.
Thank you for your attention!