Lecture slides - Department of Computer Science and Engineering
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An Introduction to
Semantic Parts of Speech
Rajat Kumar Mohanty
rkm[AT]cse[DOT]iitb[DOT]ac[DOT]in
Centre for Indian Language Technology
Department of Computer Science and Engineering
Indian Institute of Technology Bombay
Mumbai, India
Outline
Conceptual Constituents
Markedness Convention
Place- and Path-function
Conceptual Constituents of Motion Verbs
Mapping a Thing into a Path
Multiple Subcategorization
The Case of climb
Multiple Expressions of Path
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Conceptual Constituents
The semantic structure of a sentence is built up from
a hierarchical arrangement of conceptual
constituents.
Each of the conceptual constituents belongs to a
major ontological category or semantic part of
speech.
Semantic POS: Thing, Place, Path, Event, State,
Manner, and Property
Conceptual constituents are realized syntactically by
means of major phrasal constituents (such as, NP, S,
PP, AP, AdvP)
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Example
Bill ran into the room
Syntactic Structure:
[S [NP Bill] [VP ran [PP into [NP the room]]] ]
Conceptual Structure:
GO ([Thing Bill ], [Path TO [Place IN [Thing the room] ] ])
Event
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Markedness Convention
The correspondence of semantic to syntactic
categories is governed by markedness convention.
The unmarked realization of
Thing is NP
Place and Path is PP
Property is AP
Manner is AdvP
Event and State is S
However, the marked realizations also occur.
The NP a bummer expresses Property
The NP earthquake expresses an Event
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Place- and Path-function
PLACE
PLACE-FUNCTION ( [THING] )
Place
(e.g., in the room)
PATH
Path
TO
FROM
TOWARD
VIA
(e.g., to the station)
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( [THING] )
Motion Verbs
Motion verbs map two arguments, a Thing and a
Path, into an Event consisting of the Thing traversing
the Path. (e.g., John ran into the room)
Lexical entry:
run
+V, -N
[ _ PPj ]
[Event GO ([Thing i ], [Path
j ] ] ])
Motion verbs are represented generically by GO and
differentiated from one another by various markers of
manner.
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Mapping a Thing into a Path
The preposition into is a function that maps a thing –
the reference object – into a Path.
Lexical entry:
into
P
[ _ NPj ]
[Path TO [Place IN [Thing
j ]]]
To satisfy the well-formedness conditions on the use
of into, its sister phrase must be an NP (the syntactic
condition) and must express a concept of a category
Thing (the semantic condition).
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Example
John entered the room
Lexical
entry:
enter
+V, -N
[ _ NPj ]
[Event GO ([Thing i ], [PathTO [PlaceIN [Thing
The position and category of the variable in enter
result in a syntactic realization as transitive verbs
plus NP instead of verb plus PP.
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j ]]])
Multiple Subcategorization
The verb climb occurs in three subcategorization
frames:
[ __ ]
(e.g., She climbed)
[ __ NP] (e.g., She climbed the stairs)
[ __ PP] (e.g., She climbed through the window)
Motion is carried out in a clambering fashion (the
precise nature of the manner depends on the character of the
direct object)
The motion is understood as
Upward
Upward to the top (roughly) to the object NP
Not necessarily upward (the PP frame is more distantly
related)
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The case of Climb
Lexical
entry:
climb
+V, -N
a. [ _ NPj ]
GO [Thing i ],
Event
UPWARD
[Path TO TOP OF
VIA
[Manner CLAMBERING ]
b. [ _ PPj ]
GO [Thing i ], [Path
Event
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j
]
[Manner CLAMBERING ]
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[Thing
j
]]
The case of Climb
The subentries differ in how the Path is specified.
The subentry (a) combines the transitive and
intransitive subcategorization frames.
The subentry (b) contains the PP frame.
Something is climbing is an Event.
The Event is constituted of motion (the semantic
function GO) of a Theme (the argument i ) along a
Path (the argument j ).
The semantic structure of climb has two argument
positions
a Thing-variable embedded in the Path TO TOP OF j
and
a Path-variable that itself fills the Path argument of GO
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Multiple Expressions of Path
Examples
John climbed the mountain up a narrow path
John ran through the field into the woods.
(Two PPs expresse part of the same Path)
The PPs (up a narrow path and into the
woods) are non-subcategorized PPs in V`,
which are interpreted as extra constituents of
the Path in Semantic Structure.
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Sources & further Readings
Jackendoff, R. 1985. Multiple
Subcategorization and The θ-criterion: The
case of climb. Natural Language and
Linguistic Theory 3.
Jackendoff, R. 1990. Semantic Structures.
The MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass.
Jackendoff, R. 1997. Semantics and
Cognition. The MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass.
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Thank You
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