Transcript Slide 1

Introduction
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The Caribbean Community
The CARICOM Economy
Caribbean Politics and Governance
Background to Independence and Integration
Integration processes
Wider regional relations, Cuba, DR, ACS
PetroCaribe
• Foreign policy in CARICOM
• Future of CARICOM integration
The Caribbean Community
• Most islands are formerly British Colonies (except
Suriname and Haiti).
• Most share a common history, political systems,
language, culture and path to independence
• Similar background of Conquest, Colonisation, Slavery
and Indenture.
• Shared space with Cuba and the Dominican Republic
with whom it has advanced Trade arrangements and
special relationship (CARIFORUM/CRNM/ACS) as well
as Dutch, French and British Territories in the area
( some associate members others partners in regional
arrangements including security).
Comment
• THE COMMONWEALTH CARIBBEAN ISLANDS have a distinctive
history. Permanently influenced by the experiences of colonialism
and slavery, the Caribbean has produced a collection of societies
that are markedly different in population composition from those in
any other region of the world.
• Lying on the sparsely settled periphery of an irregularly populated
continent, the region was "discovered" by Christopher Columbus in
1492. Thereafter, it became the springboard for the European
invasion and domination of the Americas, a transformation that
historian D. W. Meinig has aptly described as the "radical reshaping
of America." (McKnight)
The Caribbean Economy
• The Caribbean Community is comprised in the main of middle
income developing countries characterised by small size and
relatively open economies.
• The Caribbean Economy is largely service oriented with Tourism
being the predominant industry. ICT, Financial services and Cultural
Industries are important parts of the service sectors in several
countries
• Oil and related industries have long been pivotal to the Trinidad and
Tobago Economy and recent discoveries in other territories as well
as ongoing exploration in others are widening the scope of this
sector.
• Bauxite/Alumina remains dominant in the Jamaican Industrial sector
and to a lesser extent in Suriname and Guyana while agriculture
continues to play a significant role in Guyana, Suriname, Belize and
Jamaica.
Barbados
Indicators
Long-term unemployment
(% of labour
force)
Population, total
(millions)
GDP
(current US$
billions)
GDP per capita
(US$)
GDP per capita, annual growth
rate
(%)
Foreign direct investment, net
inflows
(% of GDP)
Employment, total
(thousands)
Bahamas
Saint
Kitts
and
Nevis
Antigua
and
Barbuda
Trinidad
and
Tobago
Dominica
Saint
Lucia
2006
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
1975
0.2
0.2
(.)
0.1
1
0.1
0.1
2005
0.3
0.3
(.)
0.1
1.3
0.1
0.2
2015b
0.3
0.4
0.1
0.1
1.4
0.1
0.2
2005
3.1
5.5
0.5
0.9
14.4
0.3
0.8
2005
11,465
17,497
9,438
10,578
11,000
3,938
5,007
1.3
1.3
4.9
3.7
0.6
3.1
3.6
1.5
0.4
2.9
1.5
4.3
1.3
0.9
1990f
0.7
-0.6
30.6
..
2.2
7.7
11.3
2005f
2
3.5
10.4
..
7.7
9.2
13.1
19962005g
132
161
..
28
525
26
59
19752005
19902005
Indicators
Long-term unemployment
(% of labour
force)
Population, total
(millions)
GDP
(current US$
billions)
GDP per capita
(US$)
GDP per capita, annual
growth rate
(%)
Foreign direct investment,
net inflows
(% of GDP)
Employment, total
(thousands)
Belize
Grenada
Saint
Vincent and
the
Suriname Grenadines guyana
Jamaica
Haiti
2006
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
1975
0.1
0.1
0.4
0.1
0.7
2
5.1
2005
0.3
0.1
0.5
0.1
0.7
2.7
9.3
2015b
0.3
0.1
0.5
0.1
0.7
2.8
10.8
2005
1.1
0.5
1.3
0.4
0.8
9.6
4.3
2005
3,786
4,451
2,986
3,612
1,048
3,607
500
3.1
3.4
-0.5
3.2
0.9
1
-2.2
2.3
2.5
1.1
1.6
3.2
0.7
-2
1990f
4.2
5.8
..
3.9
2
3
0.3
2005f
11.4
5.6
..
12.9
9.8
7.1
0.2
19962005g
78
35
73
35
240
1,063
..
19752005
19902005
Political Systems
• The political systems in the region reflect to some
degree the historical legacy of the colonial transition with
the “First Past the Post – Winner takes all electoral
principle prevailing with exceptions in Haiti, Suriname and Guyana
in which Legislative Seats are awarded in proportion to
votes received.
• Within the First Past the Post tradition some countries
have demonstrated by and large, a predictable and
entrenched Two party system*.
• In some nominally two party systems the reality for
decades after independence was one party electoral
dominance* This has been altered in recent years with most countries
now having viable alternatives in the two party/multi party framework.
* in particular Jamaica and Barbados where while smaller parties might exist the two main parties dominate with
power alternating between them
*e.g in Trinidad and Tobago, the People's National Movement remained in power from 1956 to 1986. In Antigua, the
Antigua Labour Party In Saint Kitts and Nevis, the Saint Kitts and Nevis Labour Party and Grenada’s Grenada
United Labour Party.
Westminster-Whitehall in the Caribbean
• Some commentators have sought to analyse critically the impact of
the choice of political systems on Caribbean Governance and offer
mixed reviews on the applicability of pure Westminister/Whitehall
principles in the Caribbean.
• In heterogenous societies like Trinidad and Tobago one political
leader suggested that in the context of the plurality of the society
“surely we could find a system that is indigenous to our own makeup”
• In homogenous societies like Jamaica one Party Leader has called
for adaptation of specific measures to better effect a separation of
Executive Power from other mechanisms of authority and
governance.
• The debate however does not question the commitment to the
enfranchisement of the populations and the accountability of
Governments to the electorate and so far no radical change to the
basic model of Government has yet been effected in The English
Speaking Caribbean.
Political Options
The quest for an optimal political structure continues to
arise as observers assess such factors as:
– The seeming paradox of the “Loyal Opposition” by definition a partner in
Government recognised by constitutions to be so, yet required by political realities to pursue
ultimate party success by unseating the Governing party in the Government to which it must
be loyal. This unseating cannot be achieved by benign steps and so the Opposition must
often choose to aggressively challenge the incumbent to sharpen the distinctions between
themselves and the leadership.This balance of cooperation and competition varies with issue
and circumstance but in the election season the latter appears to trump all other concerns.
– The concentration of power in the executive with the vesting of
far reaching authority in the Prime Minister and Government.
– The challenge of balancing equity with the inexorable push for
patronage that comes from the competitive process for securing
power.
–
There is often a natural desire for that to be translated into some advantage. Parties face the
challenge of balancing the need to draw into government those who shared and shaped their
platform and philosophy and delivering visible benefits to constituents without succumbing to
the excesses that privilege patronage over progress and victimisation over responsible
balancing of benefits and responsibilities.
Ideology and Globalisation
• In the post Cold war era the distinctions between parties are
less sharply drawn in ideological terms. In recent times the Caribbean
parties have increasingly tended to the centre (whether left or right of it)with hybrid
policies of pro market economics and responsive social polices prevailing.
Democratic Socialist Parties like the PNP adopted polices of economic liberalisation
and fiscal restraint often requiring social and economic adjustments to secure
economic goals. The incoming Jamaica Labour Party in the face of pressures of
commodity price increases and effects of a natural disaster has introduced social
support measures that require new public expenditure to address social needs.
• Globalisation in all its aspects has tempered the ability of political parties to
adopt narrowly defined principles and priorities particularly in Governance.
• The Caribbean with its open economies, many vulnerable to a
variety of shocks cannot but be affected by globalisation.
–
Parties with a commitment to Labour must contend for example with the tide of Trade and economic
liberalisation which inevitably poses challenges to their constituencies. The globalisation of certain social
agendas has impact on policy choices such as the Death Penalty for example where international activism
has run counter to the mood of the Caribbean populace but has to be given political attention in view of the
sheer weight of that lobby.
CARIBBEAN Politics Today
• The prevalence of Westminster style democracy among the majority
of CARICOM states and the shared approaches to representative
democracy shared by all members has made CARICOM a
remarkable example of political maturity despite the challenges of
size, resources and vulnerability to shocks that it can face.
• In recent years electoral results have reflected a certain dynamism
in the Political order with the strength of the Two Party structure
being reaffirmed in a number of countries in particular Jamaica
where after a predictable “rotation” of Parties through Government
and Opposition an extended run of four terms for the PNP was
ended with a return of the JLP. Similarly in Barbados the return of
the DLP to power came after a sustained “Innings by the BLP under
Owen Arthur” and in Belize Dean Barrow’s UDP replaced Said
Musa”s PUP. In the Bahamas The Christie’s PLP was replaced by
the Hubert Ingraham led FNM. In Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago
incumbents were returned in their most recent elections.
Country
Antigua &
Barbuda
Independence
Date
Head of Government Last Election Next Election
Nov. 1, 1981
SPENCER, Baldwin
Mar. 23, 2004 by Mar. 2009
Bahamas
July 10, 1973
INGRAHAM, Hubert
May 2, 2007
by May 2012
Barbados
Nov. 30, 1966
David Thompson
Jan 15 2008
by Jan 2013
Belize
Sept. 21, 1981
Dean Barrow
Feb 7 2008
by Feb 2013
Dominica
Nov. 3, 1978
SKERRITT, Roosevelt May 5, 2005
by May 2010
Grenada
Feb. 7, 1974
MITCHELL, Keith
Nov. 27, 2003 by Nov. 2008
Country
Independence
Date
Head of Government Last Election
Next Election
Guyana
May 26, 1966
BHARRAT, Jagdeo
Aug. 28, 2006
by Aug. 2011
Haiti
Jan. 1, 1804
PRÉVAL, Réne
Feb. 7, 2006
2011
Jamaica
St. Kitts
&Nevis
Aug. 6, 1962
Bruce Golding
Oct. 2007
by Oct. 2012
Sept. 19, 1983
DOUGLAS, Denzil
Oct. 25, 2004
by Oct. 2009
St. Lucia
Feb. 22, 1979
Stephenson King
Dec. 11, 2006
by Dec. 2011
St. Vincent &
the Grenadines Oct. 27, 1979
GONSALVES, Ralph
Dec. 7, 2005
by Mar. 7, 2010
Nov. 25, 1975
VENETIAAN, Ronald
May 25, 2005
May 2010
Aug. 31, 1962
MANNING, Patrick
Nov. 6, 2007
by Nov. 2012
Suriname
Trinidad &
Tobago
LIST OF MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES
CARICOM MEMBER STATES
COUNTRY
Antigua and Barbuda
MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES
United Progressive Party
Antigua Labour Party (Opposition)
The Bahamas
Free National Movement Party
Progressive Liberal Party (Opposition)
Barbados
Democartic Labour Party
Barbados Labour Party (Opposition)
Belize
United Democratic Party
People's United Party (Opposition)
Dominca
Dominica Labour Party
United Workers Party (Opposition)
Grenada
New National Party
National Democratic Congress (Opposition)
Guyana
People's Progressive Party
People's National Congress (Opposition)
Haiti
Coalition Government (Lespwa as the main party)
Convergence Democratique (Opposition coalition comprising over 15 political parties)
LIST OF MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES
CARICOM MEMBER STATES
COUNTRY
MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES
Jamaica
Jamaica Labour Party
People's National Party (Opposition)
Montserrat
Coalition Government
New People's Liberation Movement (NPLM), Movement for Change and Prosperity (MCAP),
Montserrat Democratic Party (MDP)
St. Kitts & Nevis Labour Party
Concerned Citizens Movement (Opposition)
United Workers Party
St. Lucia Labour Party
St. Kitts and Nevis
St. Lucia
St. Vincent and the Grenadines
Unity Labour Party
New Democratic Party (Opposition)
Suriname
Coalition Government (National Partij Suriname)
Millennium Combinatie (Opposition)
Trinidad and Tobago
People's National Movement
United National Congress (Opposition)
Background
• To understand the political order that predominates in the
caribbean Community in particular the English speaking
Caribbean it is important to recall the Colonial order that
was established and maintained in the region.
– Crown Colony Government – direct administration by an appointed
Governor or via
– A somewhat representative form of government in which the legislature
was elected by limited numbers from the elite.[1]
•
[1] The abolition of slavery was also a major watershed in Caribbean history in that it initiated the long, slow
process of enfranchisement and political control by the nonwhite majorities in the islands. The early colonies
enjoyed a relatively great amount of autonomy through the operations of their local representative assemblies.
Later, however, for ease of administration and to facilitate control of increasingly assertive colonial representative
bodies, the British adopted a system of direct administration known as crown colony government in which British
appointed governors wielded nearly autocratic power. The history of the colonies from then until 1962 when the
first colonies became independent is marked by the rise of popular movements and labor organizations and the
emergence of a generation of politicians who assumed positions of leadership when the colonial system in the
British Caribbean was dismantled
Agitation and Political Change
• Early to mid 20th Century was characterized by agitation for
improvements in the conditions of the majorities and ultimately calls
for universal suffrage, self government and political Independence.
These were manifested in several instances of violent protest, riots
and clashes as well as strikes and agitation. Education and
exposure of an emerging intellectual elite spawned more organized
and vigorous efforts at political activism with the Labour movement
playing a vitally important role. It is in this context that many of the
enduring political parties were formed and based their organizations
and structure. [1]
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•
•
•
[1] Education produced two groups in the British West Indies. The first identified closely with the British system--especially with the Fabian
Society of radical thinkers within the newly formed British Labour Party--and sought political reforms through conventional parliamentary
channels. The most ardent representatives of this group were individuals in the local legislatures such as Sandy Cox and J.A.G. Smith in
Jamaica, T. Albert Marryshow in Grenada, and Andrew A. Cipriani in Trinidad. Although they did not depend on the masses for political
support (because the masses did not yet have the vote), they knew how to draw the masses into political action. They joined the
municipal and parish councils in urging a reduction in the privileges of the old planter classes and more local representation in local affairs.
They also advocated legal recognition of the fledgling trade union movement in the Caribbean.
Roots Continued
The second group, inspired by the idea of a spiritual return to Africa, was more populist and more independent than the first group. From
this group came individuals such as John J. Thomas (an articulate socio-linguist), Claude MacKay, H.S. Williams (founder of the PanAfrican Association in London in 1897), George Padmore (the gray eminence of Ghanaian leader, Kwame Nkrumah), Richard B. Moore,
W.A. Domingo, and Marcus Mosiah Garvey, founder of the United Negro Improvement Association in Jamaica (1914) and Harlem (1916).
Thomas, Williams, and Padmore came from Trinidad; MacKay, Garvey, and Domingo, from Jamaica; and Moore, from Barbados.
The political agitation of these groups laid the groundwork for the generation of politicians who later dismantled colonialism in
the British Caribbean: Norman Manley and Alexander Bustamante in Jamaica;
Education Labour and Change
•
The increased opportunities for education opened up a space for the
emergence of new thinkers who sought to apply the lessons learned
to the task of decolonization, self government and nation building. The
fuel for this effort was largely the workers movements whose
organizations were able to organize and deploy considerable pressure
on the authorities in the interest of their workers. They acted in
alliance with political movements to lay the basis for effective political
action. In this context the political leadership of many territories came
from the ranks of Labour Leaders. [1]
•
[1] Thus, in most colonies a very close bond developed between the political parties and the workers' unions. In Jamaica, the Jamaica
Labour Party drew its basic support from the Bustamante Industrial Trades Unions. Its rival, the People's National Party, was at first
affiliated with the Trades Union Council, and after the purge of the radicals in 1951, created the National Workers' Union--the popular
base that catapulted Michael Manley to political eminence in 1972 (see Historical Setting, ch. 2). In Barbados, the Barbados Labour Party
depended in the early days on the mass base of the members of the Barbados Workers' Union. Likewise, labor unions formed the catalyst
for the successful political parties of Vere Bird in Antigua, Robert Bradshaw in St. Kitts, and Eric Gairy in Grenada (see Government and
Politics on individual countries, ch. 4 and ch. 5). The notable exception was Eric Williams in Trinidad. His Peoples' National Movement,
established in 1956, succeeded despite a constant struggle against a sharply divided collection of strong unions Robert Bradshaw in St.
Kitts; Vere Bird, Sr., in Antigua; Eric Matthew Gairy in Grenada; Grantley Adams in Barbados; and Uriah Butler, Albert Gomes,
and Eric Williams in Trinidad.
The Federation Model
• In response to the rising tide of political agitation for
enfranchisement and ultimately self government and Independence
the British sought to pursue this objective en bloc by seeking to
create a federation that would be the political structure for an
independent West Indies. The Montego Bay Conference of 1947
sought to develop the idea and over several decades efforts were
made to sell the idea to the region. Dispersed as the territories were
with many being small ad lacking direct linkages with others the idea
was ultimately to fail.[1]
• With the failure of the Federal effort the movement to full
independence began with the larger territories of Jamaica, followed
by Trinidad and Tobago being the first to go.
•
•
[1] As part of its decision to push modified self-government, the British authorities encouraged the experiment in confederation. The idea had been discussed in the
Colonial Office since the later nineteenth century, but it was brought to new life with a regional conference held at Montego Bay, Jamaica, in 1947. The British were
interested in administrative efficiency and centralization. The West Indians talked about political independence. At the conference, a compromise was worked out. The
West Indian Meteorological Services and the University of the West Indies, as a College of London University, were set up, and plans were made for the creation of a
political federation that would unite the various territories and eventually culminate in the political independence of the region. These new regional organizations joined
others already in existence, such as the Caribbean Union of Teachers, established in 1935; the Associated Chambers of Commerce, organized in 1917; and the
Caribbean Labour Congress, inaugurated in 1945.
The federation began inauspiciously with the leading politicians in Jamaica--Norman Manley (then prime minister) and Alexander Bustamante--and in Trinidad and
Tobago--Eric Williams-- refusing to contest the federal elections. This uneasy federation of ten island territories (Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, Grenada, St.
Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, Antigua and Barbuda, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Dominica, and Montserrat) lasted from 1957 to 1961, when Jamaica opted to leave.
Doomed from the start by lukewarm popular support, the federation quickly foundered on the islands' uncompromisingly parochial interests, especially those of the
principal participants, Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica.
Independence and Integration
• In the wake of the Federation’s demise Caribbean Leader’s of
newly independent countries quickly embarked on a mission to
pursue to forms of integration. Chastened by the rejection of
the Federal Option these Leaders focused on trade and
economic and later functional cooperation. It is in this context that the
Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA) was founded by Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados,
Guyana, and Trinidad and Tobago on 15 December 1965, with the signing of the Dickenson Bay
Agreement (the Agreement establishing the Caribbean Free Trade Association). They were joined
on 1 July, 1968 by Dominica, Grenada, St Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, Saint Lucia and St Vincent and the
Grenadines; and on 1 August, 1968 by Montserrat and Jamaica. In 1971 Belize (then British
Honduras) joined the Association.
•
Conscious of the need to effect more far reaching mechanisms for
regional integration the Heads of Government of the Caribbean
continued to deliberate on ways of deepening the integration process
and ultimately established the Caribbean Community and Common
Market (CARICOM). The Community was established by the Treaty of
Chaguaramas (Trinidad; 1973, revised to establish the Single Market
and Economy 2001)
Deepening Integration
• Recognising the limitations posed by limiting the Integration
movement to a common market focused primarily on goods the
Heads of Government embarked on a revision of the Treaty based
on their 1989 decision at the Conference in Grand Anse Grenada.
They decided to establish a Single Market and Economy and after
nearly a decade of Negotiations the revised Treaty was signed in
2001 clearing the way for the Single Market and Economy’s
Establishment.
• .The Caribbean Single Market is now in effect but all observers
acknowledge that the Single Economy will be an even more
challenging endeavour. The Caribbean Single Market CSM includes
12 countries and provides for inter alia:
• Free Movement of Goods
• Free Move of Skilled Nationals
• Free Movement of Services, and
• Free Movement of Capital
Widening the Community’s Reach
• The Community has also established the CRNM which is a common
mechanism for the negotiation of Trade Agreements. It has entered
into a number of FTAs and Partial Scope agreements to extend the
reach of its Single Market and deepen its integration with selected
partners. Agreements reached include:
• CARICOM / Colombia Trade, Economic and Technical Co-operation
Agreement (not FTA)
• CARICOM / Cuba Trade and Economic Co-operation Agreement
• CARICOM / Costa Rica Free Trade Agreement
• CARICOM / Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement
• CARICOM / Venezuela Trade & Investment Agreement. (not FTA)
• USA ?–Canada ?-MERCOSUR?
• CARICOM/ EU EPA
The Wider Caribbean
The Caribbean Community has sought to establish and maintain a strong linkage with all
other countries and territories.
• CARICOM/CUBA
• CARICOM and Cuba share deep and close links. These have been institutionalized in
a summit process encompassing all Leaders of CARICOM and Cuba. The far
reaching Free Trade Agreement has enabled deeper links between the Single Market
of CARICOM and the market of Cuba.
• Besides Trade there are direct investments by CARICOM companies in Cuba and
there is strong people to people contact. Cuba is a participant in the Caribbean
regional negotiating machinery and collaborates with CARICOM in a number of Trade
Policy areas.
• CARICOM Dominican Republic
• CARICOM has close relations with the Dominican Republic and although unlike Cuba
there is not a structured Summit mechanism the Community and the DR cooperate
and collaborate in many areas.
• In the Economic and Trade Sphere the conclusion with the DR of the first far
reaching Free Trade Agreement enabled the Community to expand its regional trade
integration to encompass much of its trade with the DR. The DR is also a member of
the Caribbean regional negotiating machinery and recently entered into an EPA with
Europe together with CARICOM. In this sphere it is a member of CARIFORUM which
encompasses all the countries of the region.
Petrocaribe
•
While not an integration or Free Trade arrangement the Caribbean
arrangement with Venezuela in respect of Energy supplies represents
an important development in the wider regional relationships.
Venezuela shares longstanding special relationships with several
countries including Jamaica, linked historically to part played by the
Caribbean in the efforts of Simon Bolivar the Liberator.
•
The PetroCaribe oil alliance was launched on June 29, 2005, during the first energy
summit of Caribbean heads of state and government in the Venezuelan city of Puerto
La Cruz.
Caracas currently supplies 53,000 barrels per day (bpd) of oil and derivatives to the
PetroCaribe countries, according to Venezuelan officials, and plans to increase that
volume to 102,000 bpd once new storage facilities are completed in the receiving
nations.Venezuela has extended generous repayment terms to all the PetroCaribe
recipients.
The 16 member countries of PetroCaribe are Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Belize,
Cuba, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Nicaragua, the Dominican
Republic, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, St. Lucia, Suriname and
Venezuela. EFE
FOREIGN POLICY OF CARICOM
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Guided by Revised treaty
Coordination vs harmonization
Functional cooperation
CARICOM passport
Joint representation
COFCOR
Summit decisions