Transcript No Slide Title

Chapter 10 Race and Ethnic Relations
by Vic Satzewich
Copyright © 2004 by Nelson, a division of Thomson
Canada Limited.
1
THE FIELD DEFINED
•
The sociology of race and ethnic relations
deals mainly with how power and resources are
unequally distributed among racial and ethnic
groups.
•
Most people think of race and ethnicity as
referring to unchangeable cultural or biological
characteristics that people are born with.
•
Sociologists recognize that ethnicity and race
are socially defined and do change – they are
“acquired” rather than “ascribed”
characteristics.
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DEFINITIONS
•
An ethnic group may be defined
• objectively (by group language, culture,
customs, national origin, and ancestry), or
• subjectively (by the self-identification of
group members).
•
The classification of humans into races is now
widely regarded as arbitrary from a biological
viewpoint because actual genetic differences
between racial groups are trivial.
•
However, racial groups are real in a sociological
sense insofar as people with different skin colour,
etc., are commonly treated differently.
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THE
ETHNICITY
QUESTION
IN THE
2001
CENSUS
RACISM
•
Racism is the disadvantageous treatment of
certain groups whose members are
distinguished by socially significant physical
characteristics such as skin colour.
•
Although biological versions of racism are no
longer common, new racism is. It involves the
belief that the races are inherently different from
one another in a cultural and behavioural sense,
and problems result when they try to live
together.
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TOP 25 ETHNIC ORIGINS IN
CANADA
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RACISM: INSTITUTIONAL
AND SYSTEMIC
•
Institutional racism refers to practices that
discriminate against racial minorities and that
are built into the structure of politics, economic
life, education, etc.
• Systemic discrimination refers to laws and rules
that exclude members of racial minorities
without necessarily being underpinned by racist
ideas.
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CANADIANS AND THE
LIMITS TO TOLERANCE
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8
THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND
RACIAL CONFLICT
There are four main approaches to explaining
conflict among ethnic and racial groups:
• Social-psychological theories
• Primordial theories
• Normative theories
• Power-conflict theories
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THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND
RACIAL CONFLICT: SOCIALPSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES
•
•
•
Social psychological theories focus on how
prejudice (an unfavourable, generalized and rigid
belief about group members) and racism satisfy the
psychic needs of certain people.
For example, the frustration-aggression theory
holds that when people are frustrated in achieving
important goals they blame an ethnic or racial
group.
This theory does not specify the circumstances that
lead to aggression or why some groups rather than
others are chosen as scapegoats.
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10
THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND
RACIAL CONFLICT:
PRIMORDIAL THEORIES
•
Primordial theories focus on presumably innate
differences in ethnic and racial groups as the
source of group conflict.
•
For example, sociobiology likens racial and
ethnic groups to extended families that want to
keep their genes within the group.
•
A major problem with this argument is that it
cannot explain intragroup conflict and intergroup
harmony, both of which are common.
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THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND
RACIAL CONFLICT:
NORMATIVE THEORIES
•
Normative theories claim that prejudice is
transmitted through socialization in families,
peer groups, and the mass media.
•
While usefully emphasizing that prejudice is
learned, such theories fail to explain how
prejudice arises in the first place.
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THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND
RACIAL CONFLICT: POWERCONFLICT THEORIES I
•
Power theories stress how ethnic and racial conflict
derives from the distribution of power in society.
•
For example, orthodox Marxism argues that racism is
an ideology used by capitalists to mystify social
reality and justify the exploitation of workers.
•
However, racism may be found in classes other than
the capitalist class. Moreover, racial conflict has at
times resulted in practices that denied employers
access to cheap labour.
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THEORIES OF ETHNIC AND
RACIAL CONFLICT: POWERCONFLICT THEORIES II
•
A second power theory is split labour market
theory.
•
Proponents agree with the orthodox Marxist
view that employers try to replace high-paid
with low-paid labour.
•
They add, however, that high-paid workers
perpetuate racism in the interest of
protecting their jobs from low-paid members
of racial minorities.
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14
ABORIGINAL PEOPLES
•
Aboriginal Canadians are the most socially
and economically disadvantaged people in
Canada.
•
There are three main explanations for this
state of affairs:
• the government view;
• the culture of poverty thesis; and
• the theory of internal colonialism.
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15
ABORIGINAL PEOPLES:
THE GOVERNMENT VIEW
•
Until the middle of the twentieth century, the
government view was that aboriginal cultures were
inferior to European cultures. Government policy
reflected the belief that poverty is rooted in cultural
inferiority. Canadian governments:
• encouraged the assimilation of aboriginal
Canadians;
• outlawed traditional practices such as the
potlatch; and
• separated aboriginal children from their
communities and forcibly Europeanized them in
residential schools.
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ABORIGINAL PEOPLES:
THE CULTURE OF POVERTY
THESIS
•
The culture of poverty thesis holds that
aboriginals are poor because their culture
does not value hard work, economic
success, and private property.
•
However, this argument has been criticized
because it confuses effect with cause.
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ABORIGINAL PEOPLES:
CONFLICT THEORY
•
The theory of internal colonialism is the most
popular type of conflict theory applied to
aboriginal peoples.
•
It argues that federal laws have disempowered
aboriginal Canadians.
•
Further, governments and white businesses
have derived huge economic benefits from the
control of aboriginal lands and mineral rights.
This has resulted in the creation of a sort of
internal colony.
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ABORIGINAL PEOPLES:
CLASS AND GENDER
DIVERSITY
• Critics point out that gender and class privilege
exists among aboriginals.
• Many aboriginal women are concerned about
the lack of gender equality.
• A significant proportion of aboriginal people
work in highly skilled professions, forming a
distinct, virtually closed elite class.
• The elite controls the political agenda and
neglects lower-class interests.
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QUEBEC I
•
Following the conquest of New France by
Britain, an English elite took over the
economic affairs of what is now Quebec.
English economic interests dominated the
society.
•
The French controlled the traditionalist
Catholic Church and composed the political
elite.
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20
QUEBEC II
•
In the middle of the twentieth century, a
modernizing French-speaking elite emerged.
•
Facing blocked mobility due to English control of
economic institutions, its members pushed for an
expansion and modernization of the Quebec state
(the “Quiet Revolution”).
•
Support for the contemporary sovereignty
movement comes from the new middle class and
organized labour, who both identify the Québécois
as a colonized and exploited people.
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QUEBEC III
•
Nearly a fifth of Quebeckers have a mother
tongue other than French. Therefore, a debate
has emerged over who is Québécois.
• Civic nationalists regard all those who reside
in Quebec as Québécois.
• Ethnic nationalists regard only people who
are French-Canadian in terms of culture,
ancestry, and language as Québécois.
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IMMIGRATION I
In 1996, immigrants made up:
• 17% of Canada’s population
• 18% of Montreal’s population
• 35% of Vancouver’s population
• and 47% of Toronto’s population
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IMMIGRATION II
Six factors explain the pattern of Canadian immigration:
1. Most immigrants are admitted to the country
because they have skills needed by the Canadian
economy or because they can create jobs for other
Canadians.
2. Before 1962, ethnicity and race influenced who was
allowed to immigrate. Non-Europeans were
stereotyped as racially and culturally inferior. In
1962, these criteria became less important so by
2001 only 17% of immigrants came from Europe.
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IMMIGRATION III
3. Canada uses immigration as a way of gaining
influence in world politics.
4. Humanitarianism affects immigrant selection.
Canada accepts many “family class” immigrants –
first-degree relatives of immigrants accepted on
the basis of other criteria – and some refugees.
5. Public opinion influences immigration. Public
opinion is heterogeneous on the desirability of
immigraiton.
6. Security considerations affect immigration,
particularly after the terrorist attacks of
September 11, 2001.
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TOP 10 SOURCE COUNTRIES
IMMIGRANTS, CANADA,
1968 AND 2001
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CONTEMPORARY
IMMIGRATION CATEGORIES
In 2001:
• About 28,000 refugees were admitted to
Canada.
•
About 67,000 family class immigrants arrived in
Canada.
•
Economic immigrants numbered about 153,000.
They included skilled workers, immigrant
entrepreneurs and investors, and self-employed
immigrants.
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THE POINTS SYSTEM
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THE VERTICAL MOSAIC
REVISITED I
•
•
•
In 1965, John Porter termed the stratification of
ethnic and racial groups in Canada a vertical
mosaic.
Porter argued that the two “charter groups” –
English and French – predominated in various
Canadian elites.
According to Porter, later arrivals faced limited
upward mobility. They were caught in an ethnic
mobility trap due to prejudice and discrimination,
and because they lacked the cultural values and
practices needed for success.
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29
THE VERTICAL MOSAIC
REVISITED II
Canadian sociologists have debated the relevance of
the vertical mosaic today. Their research shows:
• Upward mobility is now the norm for onceunderprivileged European-origin groups.
• Earnings and occupational distributions of visibleminority men and women born in Canada are
comparable to those of the charter and Europeanorigin groups.
• The vertical mosaic exists for recent male visibleminority immigrants; they earn significantly less
than one would expect given their educational levels
due to discrimination.
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30
EARNINGS OF AND NATIVEBORN CANADIANS
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31
SUPPLEMENTARY SLIDES
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32
IMMIGRATION LEVELS HAVE FLUCTUATED
BUT IMMIGRANTS HAVE REPRESENTED 15-20% OF
POPULATION FOR OVER 50 YEARS
Number
500
Percentage of Population
Thousands
400
500
25
400
20
%
25
20
1996 17.4%
300
300
15
15
200
200
10
10
100
100
5
0
0
0
19
01
19
11
19
21
19
31
19
41
19
51
19
61
19
71
19
81
91 98
19 19
19
5
0
01
19
11
19
21
19
31
19
41
19
51
19
61
19
71
19
81
19
86
19
91
19
96
TODAY IMMIGRANTS ARE CONCENTRATED IN
LARGE CITIES BUT HISTORICALLY SETTLEMENT
PATTERNS WERE DIFFERENT
Immigrants as a percentage of total
provincial population
Provincial share of recent immigrants*
60
%
50
Share of recent immigrants,
selected CMA's 1996
Toronto
42%
Vancouver 18%
Montréal
13%
Ottawa-Hull 4%
40
30
20
10
%
60
60
50
50
50
40
40
40
60
Alberta
30
30
20
20
10
British Columbia
30
20
Ontario
10
10
Quebec
0
0
1981
1986
O n tario
British Co lu mb ia
1991
Q u eb ec
1996
A lb erta
* Immigrated during 5 year period preceding Census
0
0
1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1986 1991 1996
IMMIGRANTS INCREASINGLY FROM
ASIA AND MIDDLE EAST
Immigrant Population by Place of Birth
Showing Period of Immigration, 1996
Visible minorities as a percentage
of total CMA population, 1996
100%
U.S.A.
80%
Europe
Toronto
Vancouver
Calgary
Asia & Middle
East
60%
Edmonton
Africa
Montréal
40%
Caribbean, S.
& C. America
20%
Other
Ottawa-Hull
Winnipeg
Windsor
0%
Before 1961 to 1971 to 1981 to 1991 to
1961
1970
1980
1990
1996
Canada 11%
Rest of CMA's
%
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
PROJECTIONS SUGGEST GROWING VISIBLE
MINORITY POPULATION AND INCREASING
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN GEOGRAPHIC REGIONS
25
%
25
60
%
Canada
20
20
Projections
Estimates
50
50
Toronto CMA
40
15
60
40
15
30
10
Ontario
30
10
20
5
20
Ontario less
Toronto CMA
5
10
0
0
1981
1986
1991
1996
2001
2006
2011
2016
0
1981
1986
1991
1996
2001
2006
10
2011
0
2016
RECENT IMMIGRANTS ARE MORE EDUCATED THAN PAST
IMMIGRANTS AND THE CANADIAN-BORN; IMMIGRANTS
ARE AN IMPORTANT SOURCE OF WORKERS IN CERTAIN
OCCUPATIONS
Percentage of Immigrants Aged 25-44
with a University Degree, Diploma or
Certificate, 1996
50
%
Proportion of immigrants by selected
occupations, Ottawa-Hull CMA, 1996
40
All countries
U.S.A.
30
Europe
Canadian-born, 19.1%
Asia &
Middle East
20
Africa
10
Caribbean, S.
& C. Am erica
Arrived 1991-1996
Arrived before 1991
Other
0
Computer
engineers
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
Computer
programmers
Computer
system
analysts
A rriv ed sin ce 1 9 8 1 A rriv ed b efo re 1 9 8 1
Physicians
(specialists)
DEMOGRAPHICS OF
ABORIGINAL POPULATION
Geographic Concentration, 1996
Age Structure, 1996
Age
75 +
Atlantic
70-74
Canada 2.8%
Male
Quebec
Female
65-69
60-64
Total Canadian
Population
Ontario
55-59
50-54
Manitoba
45-49
Aboriginal
40.44
Saskatchewan
35-39
30.34
Alberta
25-29
British Columbia
20-24
15-19
Yukon
10-14
05-09
Northwest Territories
0-04
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
7
6 5
4
3 2 1
0
0 1
Percent
2
3 4
5 6
7
DIFFERENCES IN LEVELS OF EDUCATION
AND INCOME PERSIST FOR ABORIGINAL
POPULATION
80
Highest level of schooling,
Persons aged 20-29, Canada
%
Incidence of low income by age,
Canada, 1995
60
Incidence (%)
60
70
60
50
50
50
40
40
Aboriginal Population
40
30
20
30
30
20
20
10
Total Population
10
10
0
0
0
1981
1996
Less than
high school
diploma
1981
1996
Completed
University
Non-Aboriginal
1981
1996
Post secondary
Aboriginal
NEARLY HALF OF ABORIGINAL CHILDREN IN LARGE
URBAN CENTRES LIVE WITH ONLY ONE PARENT; URBAN
ABORIGINAL POPULATION IS HIGHLY MOBILE
Children 0-14 in lone parent families
60
%
%
Population Mobility, Urban Areas, 1991-96
(Percent moving)
60
50
50
40
40
30
30
20
20
10
10
0
0
From outside
CSD (City)
All children
Aboriginal children
Aboriginal
Within CSD
(City)
Did not move
Non-Aboriginal
IMMIGRANTS START OUT AT A DISADVANTAGE
BUT EVENTUALLY CATCH UP AND SURPASS THE
CANADIAN-BORN
Average Earnings of Immigrants
Versus the Canadian-born, Ages 25-44,
by Period of Immigration, 1995
1.1
1.2
1.0
1.0
0.9
0.8
Ratio
Ratio
Employment Rates of Immigrants
Versus the Canadian-born, Ages 25-44,
by Period of Immigration, 1996
0.8
0.6
0.7
0.4
0.6
0.2
Men
Before 1961
1981-1990
Wom en
1961-1970
1991-1995
1971-1980
Men
Wom en
Before 1961
1961-1970
1981-1990
1991-1995
1971-1980
NEWCOMERS TO CANADA ARE HAVING AN
INCREASINGLY DIFFICULT TIME IN THE
LABOUR MARKET
Employment Rates of Immigrants at
First Census Following Arrival
Versus the Canadian-born:
(University Educated, Ages 25-44)
M en
1.0
Women
0.9
0.9
0.8
0.8
Ratio
Ratio
1.0
Average Earnings of Immigrants at
First Census Following Arrival
Versus the Canadian-born:
(University Educated, Ages 25-44)
0.7
0.7
0.6
0.6
M en
Women
0.5
0.5
NonVisible
visible m inority
m inority
1976-1980
NonVisible
visible m inority
m inority
Period of Im m igration
1981-1985
1986-1990
NonVisible
visible m inority
m inority
NonVisible
visible m inority
m inority
Period of Im m igration
1991-1995
1976-1980
1981-1985
1986-1990
1991-1995
CANADIANS FEELING UNCOMFORTABLE
OR OUT OF PLACE BECAUSE OF ETHNOCULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS, 2002
Percent
100
80
Total population
60
Not a visible
minority
Visible minority
40
20
os
tly
/a
lw
ay
s
e
M
et
im
So
m
ar
el
y
R
N
ev
er
0
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43
CANADIANS REPORTING DISCRIMINATION
OF UNFAIR TREATMENT ‘SOMETIME’ OR
‘OFTEN’ IN PAST 5 YEARS, 2002
Percent
40
30
Note: For specific groups, the ‘often’ category alone ranges from a low
of about 2% for Chinese to about 10% for Blacks.
20
10
th
Bl
er
ac
vis
k
ib
le
m
in
or
ity
O
As
ia
n
hi
ne
se
C
So
ut
h
To
ta
l
po
pu
N
ot
la
tio
a
vis
n
ib
le
m
To
in
ta
or
lv
ity
is
ib
le
m
in
or
ity
0
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44