The Cuban Revolution
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Transcript The Cuban Revolution
Ambiguities of the Cuban
Revolution
The Clientelist State
Due to its historic dependence on the United States Cuba had
long had the characteristic of what Chehabi and Linz term a
“clientelist state”—one in which political support is gained
through exchanges of goods and wealth.
Cuban society up until the Revolution was largely apolitical
and non-ideological. While political parties and a strong,
unionized working class existed in the 1930’s they were beset
by internal conflict and corruption.
Fulgencio Batista had neither a forceful personality, nor any
strong ideological position. He rose to power twice in Cuba
because of his ability to make side-deals with political parties,
(including the Communist Party who supported his bid for
president in 1940)
Similarly, and unlike other nations in Latin America, the Cuban
bourgeoisie had little organic relationship to the Armed Forces
following Batista’s 1933 overthrow of Gerardo Machado and
his restructuring of the army.
Bastista was in and out of power at least twice. He oversaw
the coup against the failed government of Gerardo Machado in
1933, ran for president in 1939 and won, resigned in 1944 and
seized power again in 1952.
Batista’s second regime (1952-1959) was characterized by a
combination of US backed economic expansion and
authoritarianism. Batista suspended the 1940 constitution,
revoked civil liberties and courted wealthy landowners and
American business moguls (and the Mafia)
Batista also became fervently anti-communist, imprisoning,
torturing and executing dissidents. (Conservative
estimates vary between 1,000 and 2,000)
Fidel Castro attempted to coordinate a guerrilla attack
against Batista forces on July 26th 1953, targeting the
isolated Barrack of Moncada to attain weapons. Castro’s
designs on being elected to the Cuban senate had been
derailed by Batista’s seizure of power a year earlier.
Captured after the failure of the Moncada attack, Castro
was put on public trial and exiled to Mexico.
In Mexico, Castro met Ernesto “Che” Guevara. Guevara had
recently come from Guatemala where he had witnessed the
overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz.
Che had been looking for a way to strike back against the
United States for their role in the Guatemalan coup. Cuba, the
US’ “best buddy” provided a perfect target.
Che enthusiastically joined Fidel’s revolutionary group called
the “26th of July” movement.
Fidel, his brother Raul, Che, Camilo Cienfuegos and 78 others
embarked on the small yacht Granma and sailed into Cuba in
1956, they headed to the Sierra Maestra mountains and
coordinated guerrilla attacks and drew support from people in
the countryside disaffected by Batista.
Castro would continue building support and making
small-scale attacks on Batista strongholds. In 1958 Batista
attempted to rout out Castro’s forces by sending a large
section of his army into the mountains. Castro’s forces
disarmed and defeated them using guerrilla tactics.
In 1959 Castro led an army of 5000 into the city of
Havana. Batista fled, Castro became the leader of Cuba.
Revolutionary Life
In its first year, the revolution was ideologically ambiguous.
Castro did not declare himself a Marxist. Most activities
including rounding up and executing Batista supporters.
Castro enjoyed unprecedented popular support.
According to Samuel Farber the country was swept by a wave
of optimism. Workers, Peasants, students and Cubans of the
lower classes felt that the rotten social and political
institutions of the republic would be transformed.
Also during the first year, the country experienced an open
political life, there was little restriction on the free-flow of
ideas and multiple media organs of varying political views
clashed with each other.
The United States initially welcomed the new government.
Castro visited the United States in April, 1959 to an
enthusiastic reception.
In May 1959, Castro introduces an Agrarian Reform Law
expropriating large and small farm holdings, by 1960 all Cuban
industries are nationalized without compensation. Church
holdings are also expropriated and private schooling illegal
In 1961 the USA breaks all diplomatic ties with Cuba and
pronounces itself a safe haven for disaffected Cubans fleeing
the revolution: supports an abortive invasion (Bay of Pigs)
In July of that year the 26th of July movement merges with the
People’s Socialist Party forming the IRO which would later
become the Communist Party of Cuba. Cuba would thus
become allies with the Soviet Union (New “best buddy”)
Castro, Marx and Marti
There is very little evidence that Castro had Communist
sympathies in the 1950’s.
In his “History will absolve me” speech, given at his public trial
for his role in the Moncada invasion, he makes no mention of
Marxism, but rather defends his actions as those of a “faithful
Cuban” opposing an illegitimate government (Batista)
Valdes (1975) puts forward the theory that Castro came to
Communism laterally through his reading of Jose Marti’s
philosophy.
Marti’s writings praised collectivism, (via Whitman) Cuban
identity, romanticism of the campesino. It also opposed US
imperialism.
Valdes proposes Julio Antonio Mella as a “transitionary
ideologue” between Marti and Marx in Cuba.
Mella founded the Cuban Communist Party and was a reader
of Marti. His assassination in Mexico in 1929 made him a
symbolic martyr-figure for the Revolution.
Cuban Communism would distinguish itself from Soviet
Communism via its nationalistic and Romantic elements. At
times the Soviets were highly critical of the Cubans and viceversa.
The Revolution (now capitalized) would foment and solidify a
national identity suturing together Marti’s idealism with
Marxist practice. The Revolution became a quasi-religious
signifier encapsulating a quasi mythological Cuban identity.
Upsides and Downsides
Due to the mass-exodus of upper and middle-classes, the
Revolution was able to proceed without much opposition.
It’s organizing bodies were almost entirely composed of
people from traditionally marginalized classes.
The regime focused on increasing access to education,
especially in rural areas. Cuba’s literacy rate increased
from 76% in 1958 to 90% by the mid sixties.
The regime also ended racial discrimination in
employment and education increasing the numbers of
black students in Universities.
The regime also consolidated health-care providers into a
single system, increasing access to people in rural areas.
Health care was also made free, supported by the state.
However…
Castro’s regime also, in Samuel Farber’s words, was a
“political monolith enshrining a single point of view”.
(2011, 11) This involved the slow creation of an
“apparatus of repression” over the two years between
1959 and 1961.
Castro, without cause, seized all critical and opposition
presses, placing them under state control in May of 1960.
The government also took control of mass-organizations,
including those dedicated to Black and Women’s issues.
The regime also formed Committees for the Defense of the
Revolution whose job was to “protect the revolutionary state”
by establishing a system of “vigilence” (neighbourhood spies.
“While the CDR’s helped to protect the Cuban revolutionary
state from sabotage and other violent activities aimed at
destabilizing it, they also functioned as a major mechanism of
social control (Farber 2011, 17)
Each school and place of employment kept detailed dossiers
on every worker, including personal information.
The state had total control of the polity, economy and society
(totalitarian)
A new class system based on party membership, rather than
family of birth formed. Those with close ties to the party had
the greater share of benefits.
While the government repressed “violent” forms of dissent, it also
repressed “non-violent” ones as well
The regime also banned “microfactions”, basically non-State
approved gatherings. This included a meeting by the Stalinist Anibal
Escalante to critically analyze the Cuban economic system from an
Orthodox Stalinist perspective. He was sentenced to 15 years in
prison.
From the mid to late sixties, the regime ran concentration camps
called “UMAP” (Unidades Militares para Ayuda a la Produccion”) to
isolate sexual, religious and political dissenters (homosexuals,
Catholics, Protestant evangelicals, practicioners of Santeria, etc.)
Homosexuals, Hippies and Youth not directly allied with the
Juventud Comunista faced a great deal of repression in the 1970’s
(The Quinquenio Gris) in which the National Congress of Education
and Culture banned gays from representing Cuba abroad.