Transcript “Sambo`s Right to Be Kilt”

Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new
nation: conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created
equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any
nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure. We are met on a great
battlefield of that war.
We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who
here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that
we should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate. . .we cannot consecrate. . . we cannot
hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have
consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note,
nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they
who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here
dedicated to the great task remaining before us. . .that from these honored dead we
take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of
devotion. . . that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain. . .
that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom. . . and that
government of the people. . .by the people. . .for the people. . . shall not perish from
the earth.
Three-part model of military motivation:
INITIAL MOTIVATION:
factors that lead soldiers to join the army in the first place
SUSTAINING MOTIVATION:
factors that keep soldiers with the army on campaign
COMBAT MOTIVATION:
factors that drive soldiers once battle begins
Once let the black man get upon his person
the brass letters, U.S., let him get an eagle
on his button, and a musket on his shoulder
and bullets in his pocket, and there is no
power on earth which can deny that he has
earned the right to citizenship in the United
States.
“An honest confession is good for the soul. . .
A year ago last January I didn’t like to hear
anything of emancipation. Last fall accepted
confiscation of Rebels’ negroes quietly. In January
took to emancipation readily, and now. . .
I am becoming so [color] blind that I can’t see
why they will not make soldiers. . . . I almost
begin to think of applying for a position in a
colored regiment myself.”
Illinois volunteer Charles Wills to his sister, June 26, 1863
“Sambo’s Right to Be Kilt”
Some tell us ‘tis a burnin’ shame
To make the naygers fight
An’ that the threat of bein’ kilt
Belongs but to the white
But as for me, upon my soul!
So liberal are we here,
I’ll let Sambo be murthered instead of myself
On every day in the year.
I think we could do at least as well with them
as the enemy, and he attached great
importance to their support.
There is no hope of reconciliation with the
rebels.
There can be no peace except that which is
forced by the sword. We must conquer the
rebels or be conquered by them.
Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it
has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might
cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an
easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the
same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes his aid against the
other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's
assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but
let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be
answered—that of neither has been answered fully.
The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of
offenses! for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe to that man by
whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one
of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but
which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove,
and that he gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to
those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure
from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe
to him? Fondly do we hope—fervently do we pray—that this mighty scourge
of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the
wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil
shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid
by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so
still it must be said, "The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous
altogether."
I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under
the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be
restored; the nearer the Union will be "the Union as it was." If
there be those who would not save the Union, unless they
could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them.
If there be those who would not save the Union unless they
could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with
them.
My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and
is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the
Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could
save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save
it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do
that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do
because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I
forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to
save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I
am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall
believe doing more will help the cause.
I am not, nor have ever been, in favor
of bringing about in any way the social
and political equality of the white and
black races—that I am not nor ever
have been in favor of making voters or
jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying
them to hold office, nor to intermarry
with white people.
On the afternoon of July 2, 1863 Sickles' Third Corps, having
advanced from this line to the Emmitsburg Road, eight
companies of the First Minnesota Regiment, numbering 262
men were sent to this place to support a battery upon Sickles
repulse. As his men were passing here in confused retreat, two
Confederate brigades in pursuit were crossing the swale. To
gain time to bring up the reserves & save this position, Gen
Hancock in person ordered the eight companies to charge the
rapidly advancing enemy.
The order was instantly repeated by Col Wm Colvill. And the
charge as instantly made down the slope at full speed through
the concentrated fire of the two brigades breaking with the
bayonet the enemy's front line as it was crossing the small
brook in the low ground there the remnant of the eight
companies, nearly surrounded by the enemy held its entire
force at bay for a considerable time & till it retired on the
approach of the reserve the charge successfully accomplished
its object. It saved this position & probably the battlefield. The
loss of the eight companies in the charge was 215 killed &
wounded. More than 83% percent. 47 men were still in line &
no man missing. In self sacrificing desperate valor this charge
has no parallel in any war.
The next day the regiment participated in repelling Pickett's
charge losing 17 more men killed & wounded