Transcript Canada’s North A New Strategy

Towards a Canadian Arctic
International Strategy
John J. Noble
Reflections on Past
• First Met Franklyn Griffiths when he was Joe
Clark’s Arctic Advisor in DFAIT in mid 1980’s.
• Response to 1985 “Polar Sea” transit:
1)proclamation of straight baselines;
2)willingness to have IJC rule on Canada’s actions
if challenged (change from AWPPA);
3) Commitment to build Polar 8 icebreaker
(world’s largest flagpole), subsequently victim of
budget cuts along with nuclear subs.
4)Willingness to work with U.S. to resolve issue.
1988 Arctic Cooperation Agreement
• Resulted from tenacity of Mulroney and
unscripted comment from Reagan in 1986:
“let’s put sovereignty aside, we won’t do
anything up there without your permission”.
• Took two years to work through US system,
especially U.S. Navy.
• Agreement laid basis for Canada-US cooperation in Arctic waters without prejudice
to respective legal positions.
1987 Agreement to Conserve
Porcupine Caribou Herd
• Aboriginal representatives from CYI (now
CYFNs), NWT Métis and Inuit were on
Canadian delegation, fully involved in
preparation of Canadian position, the
negotiations, and they were given ultimate
decision as to whether the negotiated text
was acceptable or not.
• Similar procedures regarding development of
Canada’s position on drilling in ANWR.
Importance of Buy-In
• Gwich’in and other CYFN leaders and successive
Canadian governments have fought against drilling in
ANWR.
• Key was to find allies in US Congress and U.S. lobby
groups.
• One of key challenges for successful Northern Strategy
in Canada is to get buy in from Southern Canadians on
basis of mutual benefits stressed by Ed Shultz.
• Climate change is not just a northern issue.
• Harper Government has abdicated its “made in
Canada” climate change policy to follow US lead.
Griffith’s Paper
• Extremely ambitious paper and dares to go into
areas which are not directly related to the Arctic.
• 3 objectives: elevation (to PM level), engagement
with U.S. and then Russia; and invigoration of
regional governance (Arctic Council).
• 31 pages with 27 recommendations.
• Many ideas need to be explored in great detail.
PMO/PCO/INAC/DFAIT?
• Political leadership is key but PMO is not place to
assign development and delivery of Arctic policy.
• Martin Government created several new units in
PCO with operational responsibilities (Canada-U.S
Secretariat, etc) which were dismantled and sent
back to their home departments by Harper
Government.
• Creation of Secretary of State for the Arctic yes,
but no remit to deal with security issues like
missile defence, weaponization of space or ASAT.
Getting Russians on Board
• Agreement on Basic Principles of Arctic
International Relations sounds like relic from
Cold War.
• U.S. will not want to engage its global security
interests in Arctic forum and will want to deal
with Russians bilaterally (and vice versa)
without Canada.
• Why mix CSCE with Arctic?
Enlarging the Arctic Council
• What is in it for Canada?
• Why would observer members pay into fund
to benefit citizens of OECD countries (except
Russia)?
• Right to stress what appears to be new
interest by Foreign Minister Cannon in Arctic
Council. Two Territorial Premiers and a
Deputy Premier went with him to most recent
meeting in Tromso, Norway.
Canadian International Centre for the
Arctic Region in Oslo
• “Through our robust Arctic foreign policy we are
affirming our leadership, stewardship and
ownership in the region.”
• “This further demonstrates that the Government
of Canada is committed and serious about taking
a leadership role on Arctic issues. The Centre will
enhance Canada’s ability to promote Canadian
interests, influence key partners and better
understand emerging issues.” (DFAIT Press
release April 29, 2009)
The Arctic Vacuum in Canada’s Foreign
Policy
• Conference co-chair Tony Penikett and Terry
Fenge in April 2009 Policy Options:
“the northern foreign policy vacuum suggests
that Canada is neither fully prepared or well
equipped to influence and shape international
debate on the future of the region”.
“Focus political attention on region through a
ministry of state for circumpolar affairs within
DFAIT.”
Part of the Solution
• To bring Arctic issues to the heart of foreign
policy formation requires political interest and
leadership in Ottawa;
• Clear, ambitious and defined policy objectives;
vibrant, knowledgeable and independent
advisory institutions; relationships between
federal agencies that enable “whole of
government” approaches to policy debate and
implementation.
• Important to include northern Canadians in the
northern Canadian foreign policy.
Do We Need a New Arctic Treaty?
• UNCLOS provides treaty framework for dealing
with oceans, including “Arctic exemption”,
seabed extension etc. Arctic 5 pledge to respect
it.
• IMO is appropriate organization to deal with
Arctic shipping regulations and standards
(Bancroft’s presentation).
• Copenhagen and follow-on to Kyoto is
appropriate forum for climate change.
• Other issues best resolved bilaterally.