Transcript Document

CAS LX 522
Syntax I
Week 11. Interim summary and
some things to do in class.
The Y model


We’ve covered most of the components—let’s walk
slowly through a derivation to illustrate everything
we’ve got up to this point.
What does every student want me to be reading?
q Theory
DS Subcategorization
Overt movement,
Expletive insertion
X-bar theory
Case theory, EPP SS
Phonology/
Morphology
PF
Covert movement
LF
Binding theory
Walking through a
derivation
DS
SS
PF

What does every student want me to be
reading?

Read: Agent, Theme
Want: Agent, Proposition


LF
Agents go in SpecVP, objects (Theme and
Proposition) are sister to their verb at DS.
What does every
student want me to be
reading?
 To start with, figure
out the skeleton.
CP
DS
C
C
[+Q]
[+WH]
SS
TP
PF
T
T
VP
[PRES]


There are two
clauses, every
student wants
(something) and
me to be reading
what.
The top clause has
a +Q, +WH C,
since it is a wh-
LF
V
V
want
TP
T
T
to
Note: I’m
ignoring the
AspP for -ing
VP
V
V
be
VP
V
V
reading
What does every
student want me to be
reading?
 Then start filling in
the q-roles for the
verbs.
 Remember:

Each verb needs to
assign its q-roles
within its own VP.
CP
DS
C
C
[+Q]
[+WH]
SS
TP
PF
T
VP
T
[PRES]
DP
ev.st.
V
want
V
TP
T
T
to

Auxiliaries (be,
have) do not assign
q-roles.
LF
VP
V
V
be
VP
DP
me
V
V
DP
reading what
What does every
student want me to be
reading?


Are all the q-roles
assigned?
reading:
Agent: me
 Theme: what


want:
Experiencer: Bill
 Proposition: TP

CP
DS
C
C
[+Q]
[+WH]
DS
SS
TP
PF
T
VP
T
[PRES]
DP
ev.st.
V
want
V
TP
T
T
to
VP
V
V

It’s a good DS.
LF
be
VP
DP
me
V
V
DP
reading what
What does every
student want me to be
reading?
CP
Now, we move things
around in order to have
a satisfactory SS.
[+Q]
[+WH]

DS
C
C
SS
TP
PF
T
VP
T
[PRES]
DP




All DPs need Case.
Every SpecTP needs to
be filled.
A [+Q, +WH] C needs
to have a [wh] element
in its specifier.
Matrix [+Q] C needs T
to move up to it.
LF
ev.st.
V
want
V
TP
T
T
to
VP
V
V
be
VP
DP
me
V
V
DP
reading what
What does every
student want me to be
reading?
 Case: So far, only one
DP has Case, what.
 Reading is an active
transitive verb, it
assigns accusative
Case to its sister.
 Moving up the tree,
me needs Case, and
SpecTP needs to be
filled. Both problems
can be solved by
moving me to SpecTP.
CP
DS
C
C
[+Q]
[+WH]
SS
TP
PF
T
LF
VP
T
[PRES]
DP
ev.st.
V
want
V
TP
T
T
to
VP
V
V
be
VP
DP
me
V
V
DP
reading what
What does every
student want me to be
reading?
 Case: How does me
get Case?
CP
DS
C
C
[+Q]
[+WH]
SS
TP
Nonfinite T (to) does
not assign Case to
its specifier.
[PRES]
DP
V
ev.st.
V
want
TP
DPi
me

However, me is
governed by want.
Want assigns
accusative Case to
me.
LF
VP
T

PF
T
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
DP
reading what
What does every
student want me to be
reading?
 Case: Now, every
student needs Case
and the higher
SpecTP needs to be
filled.
CP
DS
C
C
[+Q]
[+WH]
SS
TP
PF
T
VP
T
[PRES]
DP
V
ev.st.
V
want

Both problems can
be solved by moving
every student to
SpecTP.
LF
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
DP
reading what
What does every
CP
student want me to be
C
reading?
C
TP
 Every student gets [+Q,+WH]
DPj T
nominative Case
ev.st.
from the finite T.
VP
T
[PRES]

What’s left?


Matrix [+Q] C needs
to have T move to it.
A [+Q, +WH] C
needs a [wh]
element in its
specifier.
tj
DS
SS
PF
LF
V
V
want
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
DP
reading what
What does every
student want me to be
reading?
 T moves up to C.
CP
DS
C
C+Tk TP
-s
DPj

What’s left?


A [+Q, +WH] C
needs a [wh]
element in its
specifier.
The only [wh]
element we have is
what, which we’ll
need to move into
SpecCP.
SS
ev.st.
PF
T
tk
LF
VP
tj
V
V
want
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
DP
reading what
What does every
CP
student want me to be DP C
m
what
reading?
C+Tk TP
-s
 What moves up to
DPj T
SpecCP.
ev.st.

Now:





Every DP got Case
(along the way).
All SpecTPs are
filled.
T moved to [+Q] C.
SpecCP has a [wh]
element.
Is this is a good SS?
tk
DS
SS
SS
PF
LF
VP
tj
V
V
want
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
reading
tm
What does every
CP
student want me to be DP C
m
what
reading?

Well, that’s weird.
SS
It sounds like a good
sentence, but it
shouldn’t be, should it?
-s
ev.st.
PF
T
tk
It looks like it should be
a Subjacency violation.
And know there’s no
CP in there, because
me is getting Case
from want, so they
have to be close
together.
LF
VP
tj
V
V

SS
C+Tk TP
DPj

DS
want
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
reading
tm
What does every
CP
student want me to be DP C
m
what
reading?



Sentences like this one
actually led to a fairly
significant shift in how
people thought about
Subjacency.
For our purposes, a close
enough approximation is
to thinking of TP as a
bounding node only if
dominated by a CP.
It’s still TP that’s the
barrier to movement, but
only if there’s a CP above
it—having a V above it
like in this sentence
makes it “transparent”.
DS
SS
SS
C+Tk TP
-s
DPj
ev.st.
PF
T
tk
LF
VP
tj
V
V
want
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
reading
tm
What does every
CP
student want me to be DP C
m
what
reading?
C+Tk TP
-s
 Now, the derivation
DPj T
splits.
ev.st.


This (the SS) is the
“pronunciation
focus” of the
derivation.
First let’s head off
toward PF.
tk
DS
SS
PF
LF
VP
tj
V
V
want
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
reading
tm
What does every
CP
student want me to be DP C
m
what
reading?
DS
SS
C+Tk TP
-s
DPj
ev.st.

The only problem
with pronouncing
this structure is that
we have a “stranded
affix”—the present
tense suffix is in C,
and cannot attach to
a verb.
PF
T
tk
LF
VP
tj
V
V
want
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
reading
tm
What does every
CP
student want me to be DP C
m
what
reading?
DS
PF
SS
C+Tk TP
do-s
DPj
ev.st.

So, we have to
insert do to support
the stranded affix.
PF
T
tk
VP
tj
V
V
want

This is the
pronounced form of
the sentence: What
does every student
want me to be
reading?
LF
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
reading
tm
What does every
CP
student want me to be DP C
m
what
reading?




We’re not done yet…
At SS, the derivation
splits, one set of steps
leads to PF. This is
where do-support (and
also affix lowering)
happens.
But we also must
compute the meaning,
the logical form (LF).
So we need to return to
SS and consider the LF
branch.
DS
SS
SS
C+Tk TP
-s
DPj
ev.st.
PF
T
tk
LF
VP
tj
V
V
want
TP
DPi
me
T
to
T
VP
V
V
be
VP
ti
V
V
reading
tm
What does every
CP
DS
student want me to be DP C
m
what
reading?
SS
C+Tk TP
-s
 We have a
PF
LF
DP
T
quantifier, every
j
ev.st.
student, and all
tk
VP
quantifiers need to
tj V
move out of TP
V
TP
before we have a
want
valid LF. (Quantifiers
DPi T
me
need to leave a
VP
T
trace to serve as a
to
V
variable)
SS
V

So every student
needs to adjoin to
TP.
be
VP
ti
V
V
reading
tm
CP
What does every
DPm C
DS
what
student want me to
C+Tk TP
-s
be reading?
SS
DPj TP
 The quantifier is not
ev.st.
PF
LF
t

T
j
moving very far, but
it is now no longer
tk
VP
contained in TP. (TP
tj V
does not dominate
V
TP
DPj)
want
DPi T
 The requirements
me
on LF are now met,
VP
T
to
this is a valid LF.
V
 What is the x such
V
VP
that for every
be
ti
V
student y, y wants
me to be reading x?
V
tm
LF
reading
Some others Opi that we
might want PROsub to do ti

What is likely to be served at
Thanksgiving?

Who should not expect to eat every
drumstick?

Most students know where to go.
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